The Volokh Conspiracy
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Second Amendment Roundup: Hawaii Sticks to Its Black Code Precedent
Its Amici in Wolford v. Lopez abandon the embarrassing “analogue.”
On Tuesday, January 20, the Supreme Court will hear oral argument in Wolford v. Lopez, which concerns whether the Ninth Circuit erred in holding that Hawaii may prohibit the carrying of handguns by permit holders on private property open to the public unless the property owner affirmatively gives express permission. The Ninth Circuit upheld the ban under Bruen based on the existence of merely two purported historical analogues, a 1771 New Jersey law on poaching and an 1865 Louisiana Black Code law.
As I explained in a previous post, I filed an amicus curiae brief on behalf of the National African American Gun Association, extensively detailing the nature of the Louisiana law as part of the Black Codes intended to limit the freedom of movement and the right to bear arms of the newly-freed slaves. As explained in the New York Tribune, March 7, 1866, the statute making it unlawful to "carry firearms on the premises or plantations of any citizen" without consent was part of "a code of laws [for blacks] establishing a system of serfdom, forbidding the free passage of blacks from one plantation to another, and under the form of apprenticeship and Vagrant laws reenacting slavery in fact."
But in Respondent's Brief, Hawaii doubles down on its reliance on the Louisiana law. After all, it's one of only two supposed historical "analogues" offered. It cites a handful of other laws, but they concerned private property not open to the public. As to the Louisiana law, Hawaii wants to have it both ways: "The Black Codes are undoubtedly a relic of a shameful portion of American history. But that does not mean that the laws contained within them are irrelevant to the Second Amendment's historical analysis." No explanation is offered as to why.
Hawaii tries to soften the blow by asserting that "contemporary opponents of the Black Codes agreed that the Second Amendment did not authorize armed entry without the consent of a property owner." But it cited just one such opponent, who said quite the opposite. General D.E. Sickles, Commander of the Department of South Carolina, issued a decree in 1866 providing that, while the "constitutional rights of all loyal and well-disposed inhabitants to keep and bear arms will not be infringed, nevertheless this shall not … authorize any person to enter with arms on the premises of another against his consent." Entering "against" one's consent is quite the contrary of entering "without" one's consent.
Eight of the usual suspects filed amici curiae briefs in support of Hawaii, but not a single one mentioned the embarrassing 1865 Black Code law of Louisiana. Everytown for Gun Safety danced around the issue but kept the law in the closet. Its brief scolds the United States and petitioners for "contend[ing] that a firearms regulation is per se unconstitutional if it has a purportedly improper purpose to frustrate Second Amendment rights…." Pray tell, exactly which regulations are being referred to? You've got to read the amicus brief of the United States or the brief of petitioners to find that Everytown is referring to the 1865 Louisiana law.
Everytown next berates the United States and petitioners as being "wrong to argue that modern firearms regulations are consistent with the Second Amendment only if the government can marshal some minimum number of historical regulations that mirror the contemporary law." Given that the Ninth Circuit found only two measly laws as purported analogues, that shows the absence of a National tradition of regulation.
As Everytown points out, Bruen relied in part on treatises and historical newspapers to illuminate the meaning of the Second Amendment. But none of the sources it cites support Hawaii's law, least of which did The Loyal Georgian, Feb. 3, 1866, an African American newspaper that celebrated the Second Amendment and concluded: "All men, without distinction of color, have the right to keep and bear arms to defend their homes, families or themselves." (I located that article in researching my 1998 Freedmen book (reissued as Securing Civil Rights), which Heller repeated.)
The brief of the Brady Center cites just a handful of irrelevant historical laws, but conspicuously missing is the 1865 Louisiana law. The brief of Professors of Property Law mustered up a total of five mostly colonial laws to cite in a footnote but failed to discuss their contents. The brief of what it self-characterizes as "the Amici States – the District of Columbia" et al. (sic) cites no historical laws.
As Bruen held, "when the Second Amendment's plain text covers an individual's conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct. To justify its regulation, the government may not simply posit that the regulation promotes an important interest. Rather, the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation." Hawaii may not have an easy time at oral argument explaining how it has met its burden.
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On October 16, 1991, a man drove his pickup truck through the plate glass window of a Luby's cafeteria in Killeen, Texas, exited his truck, and began shooting people. Suzanna Hupp, who was there having lunch with her father and mother, instinctively reached for the handgun in her purse. But her gun wasn't in her purse. It was one hundred feet away, locked in her car, as the law required. The madman ultimately killed 23 people, including both of Hupp's parents, before turning the gun on himself.
The people of Texas, including Hupp (who would later be elected to the state house of representatives) did not demand more gun control; rather, they demanded the right to defend themselves. The state legislature twice passed bills giving citizens the right to carry concealed weapons, but these were twice vetoed by Democratic Governor Ann Richards. In part due to these vetoes, Richards lost her re-election bid in 1994 to Republican George W. Bush, who would sign the right to concealed-carry into law in 1995.
The bottom line is that Hawaii, Everytown, and Brady view the entire population in the same way that the Jim Crow states viewed negros: As a suspect and untrustworthy class who must be kept in line for their own good, and the good of all the real human beings. And they are not particularly ashamed of this.
Of course, the class of real human beings has shrank drastically since Jim Crow, it now has been reduced to just politically trustworthy elites, the nomenklatura. But apart from that the reasoning is basically the same.
So they see no reason not to rely on Jim Crow laws as precedent for what they want to do. And are barely aware of the optics.
Nothing but crickets, after 7 hours? Wow.
I've been puzzled too. Maybe Hawaii is so far gone on this that even the hoplophobes want it to just go away. I wonder what the chances are of a 9-0 slapdown.
Approximately zero. Any gun control law short of the death penalty for children who nibble pistols out of toast is going to get at least 2 votes in favor of it on the Court.
Kagan and Jackson have perfect records of voting in favor of the constitutionality of gun control laws. Sotomayor once joined a Thomas dissent on the constitutionality of the of the Lautenberg act as applied to misdemeanors that don't involve intent. But that might have just been as a matter of statutory interpretation, not constitutional rights, it's really the only case that even suggests that she's less hostile to the right than the other two.
lulz. This law is constitutional because we have a long, shameless history of denying rights to people.
Yeah, and they are shameless about it, pointing out that it's a Jim Crow law doesn't even make them blink. Which is what Halbrook was marveling about: They actually don't CARE that their so called precedent was a Jim Crow law.
And why would they? Modern gun control is just Jim Crow expanded to apply to almost everybody. They think the only thing wrong with those laws is that some people's rights weren't being infringed!
Remember - the Democrat Party has its roots in racism. And no, it didn't 'switch with the GOP' in 1964, conveniently right after they all voted against the CRA.
They didn't all vote against the CRA.
The 1964 Civil rights act passed the Senate 73-27.
Democrats were 46 (69%) for it, and 21 (31%) against.
Republicans were 27 (82%) for it, and 6 (18%) against.
It passed the House 290-130.
Democrats voted 152 (61%) for, 96 (39%) against.
Republicans voted 138 (80% for, 34 (20%) against.
So, while it would be fair to say that most of the opposition to the 1964 civil rights act came from Democrats, (And that it wouldn't even have been necessary if not for Democrats!) it is equally fair to say that the majority of Democrats supported it.
It is worth mentioning, though it will annoy some, that most of the votes against the Act on the Democratic side were Southern Democrats who actually opposed civil rights. Many of the votes against it on the Republican side were people like Goldwater, who thought that it exceeded the powers delegated Congress by the 14th amendment and thus was unconstitutional.