The Volokh Conspiracy
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The Lower Court Revolt Continues in Boston
Judge Brian Murphy will likely be reversed by SCOTUS a third time in the same case.
In September, my Civitas Outlook column chronicled the failed lower court revolt. I focused on several cases where federal judges, mostly in Boston, disregarded rulings from the Supreme Court's emergency dockets. Some of these judges maintained that they still did not know that these rulings were precedential. I would have thought Justice Gorsuch's concurrence in NIH v. APHA settled the matter. He wrote, "when this Court issues a decision, it constitutes a precedent that commands respect in lower courts." Gorsuch added that "This Court's precedents, however, cannot be so easily circumvented." But judges still are resisting.
Judge Wynn of the Fourth Circuit, who is able to read election results, is unable to read the emergency docket.
"They're leaving the circuit courts, the district courts out in limbo," said Judge James Wynn, an Obama appointee, during oral arguments in a case about the Department of Government Efficiency employees' access to Social Security data. "We're out here flailing. … I'm not criticizing the justices. They're using a vehicle that's there, but they are telling us nothing. They could easily just give us direction and we would follow it."
"They cannot get amnesia in the future because they didn't write an opinion on it. Write an opinion," Wynn said. "We need to understand why you did it. We judges would just love to hear your reasoning as to why you rule that way. It makes our job easier. We will follow the law. We will follow the Supreme Court, but we'd like to know what it is we are following."
Speaking of amnesia, Judge Wynn is unable to remember why he decided to rescind his senior status.
Judge Brian Murphy, another judge in Boston, has also missed the memo. Indeed, Judge Murphy has already been stayed by SCOTUS twice in the same case. As I explained in September:
The first line of cases involves the executive branch's power to deport. Department of Homeland Security v. D.V.D. considered whether the government could deport certain aliens to South Sudan, which is known as a "third country." Right on cue, a federal judge in Boston blocked the removals. As a result, federal immigration officials were forced to hold the aliens at a military base in the African nation of Djoubti, because the judge ordered them to stay put. On June 23, the Supreme Court reversed the lower court's ruling, allowing the deportations to proceed. Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson dissented. Yet, remarkably, the lower court didn't get the memo. Mere hours after the Supreme Court ruled, the Boston judge declared that another one of his earlier rulings "remain[ed] in full force and effect" notwithstanding the Supreme Court's order. Indeed, the judge cited Justice Sotomayor's dissent as authority.
The Department of Justice filed an unusual "motion for clarification" with the Supreme Court. The filing stated that the Boston judge's ruling was "a lawless act of defiance that, once again, disrupts sensitive diplomatic relations and slams the brakes on the Executive's lawful efforts to effectuate third-country removals." On July 3, the Supreme Court reversed this lower court, again. Most judges can go their entire career without a single ruling reaching the Supreme Court. However, this judge was reversed by the Supreme Court twice within a span of two weeks. The Supreme Court recognized that the lower court may have "failed to give effect to an order of this Court." But the Court assumed that the lower court would "now conform its order to our previous" ruling. Even Justice Kagan felt compelled to speak up. She did "not see how a district court can compel compliance with an order that this Court has stayed." It shouldn't take two Supreme Court orders for a Boston judge to figure out how to proceed. But this case is not an anomaly.
A benchslap from Justice Kagan didn't even leave a mark.
Fast forward to today. Judge Murphy held a hearing to decide this case on the merits. And he still maintains that the Supreme Court has told him nothing about the case.
"I can't read anything into what the Supreme Court told me," Murphy said, responding to a government attorney's citation to the high court's exhortation that their emergency docket rulings demand respect from lower courts.
"They didn't tell me anything," Murphy said. "I don't know why the Supreme Court issued a stay because in the decision by the Supreme Court I didn't get any information about why."
Murphy added:
"Murphy said that despite the lack of reasoning in the Supreme Court's order, he was "not going to try to circle around that," and he suggested that any decision he issues at this stage of the case would be subject to at least a temporary stay."
Has any judge ever been reversed by the Supreme Court three times in a single case? Third time's the charm!
Certainly the judges of the First Circuit must be pulling their hair out. Just this week, three Biden appointees had to reverse Judge Talwani, who once again found that defunding Planned Parenthood was unconstitutional. As Ed Whelan put it, "Three Biden appointees overturn Judge Talwani—and spare Supreme Court the burden of having to do so."
What is going on in Boston? Is there something in the water?
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Probably not the water. Water is a good conductor and a lousy resistor.
Ooh, I get to be a physics geek today! Water is actually not a very good conductor.
Pure water in fact has a quite high resistivity - approximately 2 x 10^5 ohm-meters. For context, silicon's resistivity is about 2 x 10^3and metals are in the 10^-8 range. Water with stuff dissolved in it, however, suddenly becomes a pretty good conductor. The resistivity of seawater, for example is about 2 x 10^-1.
Update - apparently, the commenting system doesn't like the standard superscript code. Hopefully this is understandable...
"What is going on in Boston? Is there something in the water?"
Fluoride.
Me when I flunked the 3rd grade
Ahhh another classic Blackman posts where it’s only a revolt if it’s against a president I personally like
You think it's common for a judge to be reversed twice so quickly, and a third reversal likely?
Perhaps you could point out a previous case.
I mean it's uncommon for the government to lose in lower courts this much this fast and uncommon for governments to launch emergency appeals on pre-merits rulings, both of which are predicates for the question.
So they lose in lower courts, where the revolt is supposedly taking place, but win on appeal, so not lawless or in violation of the law as opposed to some marxist's fefes...
Ahhh another classic comment where it's attacking Blackman for stupid incorrect reasons.
After all the hyperventilating about the prospect of Trump not following Supreme Court orders, District Court Judges seem to be signalling its not that big a deal.
Come on in the wafer is fine.
The Supreme Court stay/emergency docket cases are precedent for other such cases where a stay/preliminary relief is the issue. But the Court is very explicitly not speaking about the underlying issue any more than it has to so as not to taint the merits opinion by the lower courts. The Supreme Court doesn't want to pre-judge what the proper outcome is. So, such stay/emergency docket decisions, while precedent for preliminary relief, are not precedent for the merits at all. Let the lower courts, on the merits, claim what they think the law is, and the appeal process will sort it out, including the Supreme Court as needed. The lower courts need the freedom to say why they think the preliminary decision by the Supreme Court is wrong after careful review, so that the Supreme Court can hear the best arguments on the other side from a disinterested party. That is especially so if the Supreme Court is going to reverse those decisions. Any decision on the merits should be stayed pending appeal until the Supreme Court hears that appeal.
"What is going on in Boston? Is there something in the water?"
Leftover bits of Governor Weld, who jumped into the Charles River in 1995.
Remember Reinhardt? "They can't catch 'em all"?
This is the price they pay for not making an example of him.
Judge Talwani is a poor Judge. regardless of which way you lean politically you should at least try to apply the law fairly or at minimum correctly.
Her new December 2 ruling on this Medicare provision is unbelievably more outrageous than her previous finding it a bill attainder.
I just can't understand making rulings that are so grossly devoid of merit.
Maybe there should be a new rule.
Get reversed by the SCOTUS 3 times on the same case, and you're out.
Gorsuch's comment was not precedential, surely?
And if the majority issue a ruling on the shadow docket but provide no reasons for the ruling, there is no legal precedent established to constrain a lower court judge.
Take a hypothetical case. Plaintiff X argues A in a lower court as a reason to win. The judge finds for A. On appeal to SC, the majority dismiss the case with no reason given. On the same set of facts, plaintiff Y argues B in the lower court. There is no precedent from the SC binding the judge that requires him to find for the defendant.
If the SC want its rulings to be precedential, it has to write decisions, not merely grant the appeal. There is no basis for saying "given this set of facts, the ruling should always be in favour of the defendant" when different legal arguments were made in the lower court - and fwiw facts are seldom completely identical. This is on the SC - but of course Josh won't see it like that.
No, the precedent is established by the ruling. The application of that precedent is harder (and maybe impossible) without the reasoning but the reasoning is not the precedent.
An unexplained ruling does not establish any precedent. It establishes law of the case, of course, and a plaintiff would be collaterally estopped from raising the same argument in a subsequent case.
trump v boyle suggests otherwise
Let's adopt Bork's inkblot test. The majority issue a decision that begins, "we find for the appellant because..." but owing to a technical hitch, no further text remains. (Word ate my homework.)
What is a lower court supposed to do with this decision? As David observes, collateral estoppel prevents the original plaintiff from relitigating on the same grounds, but for all we know, the ruling was limited to a specific group of Federal agents performing a specific act on a particular person at 1.33pm on a sidewalk outside the 4th Street Bodega in Anytown.
Arguably, by the SC refusing to provide reasons, they are implicitly authorising lower courts to continue to find against the regime while themselves not pissing off Dear Leader, and hence avoiding the death threats that invariably accompany Dear Leader's criticism of people in the public eye, which threats, it seems, are as much a part of Trump's technique of persuasion as the threat of homosexual rape in prison is part of the US's crime deterrent.
Does a sentence in a single justice concurrence constitute a binding precedent of SCOTUS (at least where the rest of the Court is not evenly divided) - on the question of the binding effect of emergency docket orders? Does a decision without an opinion constitute a binding precedent within the "judicial power" as it was originally understood? Inquiring minds want to know.
I think the lower courts’ concern is legitimate and I share it. The Court is not using the shadow docket for its traditional purpose of applying a scalpel to a single case only, leaving things in place under existing law until a final decision can be made on a complete record. Rather, it is using it as a sledgehammer, to fully and finally decide major statutory and constitutional questions on major and highly controversial issues on a short timetable with a rocket schedule, no oral argument, little or no evidentiary record, and with terse orders that don’t explain their reasoning.
I agree that this is both no way to make new universally applicable law, and no way to supervise or guide lower courts. It results in hasty, ill-considered decisions more likely to be based on ideology, prejudices and first impressions than a careful review of the facts and the law and careful deliberation. When oral argument and deliberation occurs, counsel or an initial minority can sometimes persuade a Justice or two to switch from their initial impressions and form a new and different majority. And by not explaining its reasoning the Court leaves lower courts guessing at how to apply its terse orders to future cases.
Moreover, it undermines the court’s legitimacy. Deciding issues immediately with little or no deliberation and input from counsel tends to makes decisions more likely to be influenced by the parts of the brain Pavlov and Skinner studied than by the parts amenable to reason. Issuing terse orders and failing to explain the reasoning behind monumental decisions makes the court appear more a collective of dictators than a judicial body, whose legitimacy is based on raw power and internal wishes and ideology rather than on demonstrated fidelity to authoritative external sources of law.
Each time the court decides a major question through a terse order of this nature with little or no explanation why it is based in statutory or constitutional law, it undercuts its claim to speak for the constitution rather than merely itself.
Stalin famously asked how many divisions the Pope has. Sometimes, before it acts too hastily, it might be good practice for the Court to think carefully about how many divisions it has.
CHIEF JUDGE’S OBLIGATION TO APPOINT A SPECIAL COMMITTEE
If there is any single defect that has marred the judiciary’s record in administering the 1980 Act, it is the failure of chief judges to appoint special committees in the face of genuine disputes over facts or their interpretation. Both Congress and the judiciary have taken steps to address this problem. The 2002 revision of the Act added a provision, drawn from the Illustrative Rules, stating: “The chief judge shall not undertake to make findings of fact about any matter that is reasonably in dispute.”393 The 2008 Rules added a provision, already discussed, that authorizes limited review by the Conduct Committee when the circuit council affirms a chief judge’s order dismissing a complaint or concluding the proceeding rather than appointing a special committee.394
The 2015 revision added some language by way of emphasis to Rule 11(b), and that is a step in the right direction.395 But the text of the Rule does not otherwise seek to clarify or delineate the limitations on the chief judge’s authority to dismiss a complaint or conclude a proceeding. More is needed. For example, the Rule should make clear that the chief judge may not dismiss a complaint on the ground of insufficient evidence without communicating with all persons who might reasonably be thought to have knowledge of—or evidence about—the matter.396 In addition, the Rule itself—not simply the commentary—should remind the chief judge that even if the facts are undisputed, a special committee is required as long as there are “reasonably disputed issues as to whether [those facts] constitute misconduct or disability.”397
--Arthur Hellman, An Unfinished Dialogue:
https://scholar.google.com/scholar?cluster=12509597634377467307
There is actually no wiggle room in the law or ethical rules for failing to address clear cut cases of judicial misconduct (that includes DOJ attorneys). The government cannot very well sue for damages like I can, but it can insist on sanctions and refer judges to Congress for impeachment.
Non-merit opinions are not precedent. That has been stated many times. One person's concurrence does not change that.