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Second Amendment Roundup: The U.S. Defends NFA Restrictions Lacking a Tax Nexus
The DOJ claims basis in the tax power and the commerce clause, and no Second Amendment problem.
As I previously explained in "The Zero Tax on NFA Firearms," serious constitutional issues arise about the constitutional validity of the registration and other requirements of the National Firearms Act as to the firearms that now have a $0 tax. They include short barreled shotguns (SBSs), short-barreled rifles (SBRs), silencers, and "any other weapons" (AOWs). Machineguns and destructive devices remain subject to the $200 making and transfer tax.
Three challenges are pending, Chris Brown v. ATF in the Eastern District of Missouri (see docket here), Silencer Shop Foundation v. ATF in the Northern District of Texas (see docket here), and Jensen v. ATF also in the Northern District of Texas (see docket here).
In Silencer Shop, in response to plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment, the United States has filed its opposition and cross-motion for summary judgment. The United States contends that the NFA regulations as applied to the zero-taxed firearms remain justified under Congress's tax power, as they support the collection of the special occupational taxes on firms engaged in the business of manufacturing and selling NFA firearms. They are also justified under the Commerce Clause, as the related activities in intrastate commerce substantially affect interstate commerce. Finally, DOJ argues that the Second Amendment does not protect NFA firearms, including suppressors, because they are "dangerous and unusual."
Article I Tax Power
As to the tax power, Sonzinsky (1937) upheld the NFA special occupational taxes (SOT) applicable to NFA businesses. That part of the NFA remains intact. The government argues that the zero-taxed making and transfer requirements of the NFA remain valid so the government may ensure that NFA businesses are paying their SOT.
But like any other regulated industry, the government knows whether applicable restrictions are followed by inspections, investigations, and other procedures. Under Title I of the Gun Control Act, firearm businesses are required to have licenses, and they are subject to inspection for compliance with regulations. Those engaged in the business of making or selling firearms without a license are prosecuted under the GCA. However, firearms bought by non-licensees from FFLs are not subject to licensing and are not required to be registered and regulated for eternity so that the government can keep track of those requiring a license. In fact, 18 U.S.C. § 926(a) of the Gun Control Act actually prohibits the registration of firearms that are sold to non-licensees.
Consider the implications of the government's expansive conception of the tax power. A federal excise tax is imposed on the manufacture of sport fishing equipment. Would it be a necessary and proper exercise of Congress's Article I power to raise revenue to require every transfer thereafter, none of which are taxable, to be approved by the government to determine whether the excise tax had originally been paid by the manufacturer?
Or, hypothetically, could Congress require all grocery stores to pay a special occupational tax and, in turn, require all Americans who purchase groceries to register their groceries with the federal government -- all in the name of ensuring that grocery stores paid their own special occupational tax? That would be absurd. Yet, this is essentially what the government is arguing here to justify the registration and fingerprinting requirements of firearms which are subject to the $0 tax.
The government's position in this litigation belies its recognition elsewhere that a firearm not subject to taxation is not subject to the NFA. In 18 U.S.C. § 922(o), Congress banned possession of machineguns made after May 19, 1986. ATF then refused to accept tax payments for and to register such machineguns. U.S. v. Rock Island Armory (C.D. Ill. 1991) held that no constitutional basis existed for the registration requirement and dismissed an indictment for unregistered machineguns under the NFA. (Disclosure: I was counsel for the defendant.) U.S. v. Dalton (10th Cir. 1992) was in accord.
Thereafter, the United States conceded the point: "The United States agrees that the foregoing decisions [Dalton and Rock Island] are persuasive and should control the disposition of this appeal, and … [defendant's] conviction under 26 U.S.C. § 5861(d) should be vacated." Joint Motion for Remand, U.S. v. Kirk, No. 91-8418, motion granted (5th Cir. April 28, 1992) (indictment under NFA for post-1986 machinegun).
Based on the above, the United States Attorneys' Manual instructed then and continues to instruct today:
As a result of the enactment of 18 U.S.C. § 922(o), the Secretary of the Treasury no longer will register or accept any tax payments to make or transfer a machinegun made after May 19, 1986. Accordingly, because it is impossible to comply with the registration and taxation provisions in the NFA, prosecutors should charge the unlawful possession or transfer of a machinegun made after May 19, 1986 under § 922(o).
In other words, federal prosecutors should charge the unlawful possession of post-1986 machine guns under the GCA and not under the NFA. Why? Because there is no Article I tax basis for such an NFA prosecution.
Indeed, the premise of this U.S. Attorneys' policy is that lack of any tax nexus thereby undercuts the basis of requiring registration. That applies directly to the current NFA litigations here – the zero tax on certain NFA firearms has removed the constitutional basis of the NFA's making and transfer provisions as to those firearms. (It goes without saying that § 922(o), which bans mere possession of a machinegun without a commerce nexus being an element of the offense, has its own constitutional problems. See my article The Power to Tax.)
Commerce Clause
In Silencer Shop, the government next contends that the NFA's restrictions on non-taxed firearms are constitutional under the Commerce Clause. It argues that Lopez (1995) does not apply. Lopez invalidated the Gun Free Schools Act's ban on possession of a firearm at a school as having no basis in the Commerce Clause. Instead, DOJ argues that the upholding of federal restrictions on the local cultivation of marijuana upheld in Raich (2005) under the Commerce Clause applies to the NFA's requirements on the untaxed making and transfer of firearms.
Since most firearms are produced and sold interstate by federally-licensed dealers, the government argues, the intrastate making and transfer by non-licenses thereafter may be subject to the NFA as a regulation of commerce.
For that it cites U.S. v. Ardoin (5th Cir. 1994), which held that "although the NFA was originally upheld under Congress's taxing power, no one could seriously contend" that the Act "could not also be upheld under Congress's power to regulate interstate commerce." But the government ignored the Fifth Circuit's distinguishing of Ardoin in Texas v. U.S. (2019) as follows:
But the taxing power was "preserved" in Ardoin because it was non-revenue-producing only in practice whereas the "tax" here is actually $0.00 as written on the books…. Expanding Ardoin to apply here would, as the federal defendants point out, puzzlingly allow Congress to "prohibit conduct that exceeds its commerce power through a two-step process of first taxing it and then eliminating the tax while retaining the prohibition."
While National Federation v. Sebelius (2012) reversed Texas for lack of standing, it rejected the Commerce Clause as the basis for Obamacare and upheld it under the power to tax, recalling Sonzinsky and noting that "the breadth of Congress's power to tax is greater than its power to regulate commerce."
It is noteworthy that in U.S. v. Hall (1999), the Eighth Circuit – where the Brown challenge is pending – held that the NFA registration requirement "cannot be sustained under the commerce clause," but followed Sonzinsky in holding that "the 'registration provisions … are obviously supportable as in aid of a revenue purpose.'"
And, of course, a quick review of pattern jury instructions and of the relevant NFA statute that would be deployed to prosecute someone for violating the non-registration requirements of the NFA do not include an essential criminal element of "interstate commerce" or "foreign commerce." In other words, DOJ's argument based upon Article I's Commerce Clause cannot save the challenged NFA law because there is no statutory hook to that Clause. If Congress wished to add an "interstate commerce" element to that crime, then perhaps doing so would save such a hypothetical statute from a constitutional challenge. By asking a federal court to rewrite the NFA to include a "commerce clause" element would force a judge to engage in lawmaking, which is the province of the Congress.
Second Amendment
Finally, the government in Silencer Shop turns to the Second Amendment, arguing from Miller and Heller that short-barreled shotguns (SBSs) are not protected and that short-barreled rifles (SBRs) are not "materially distinguishable from" short-barreled shotguns. But the argument for restricting SBSs has always been that they fire multiple rounds of shot through a smooth bore, whereas SBRs – like handguns and long-barreled rifles – are designed to fire a single projectile through a rifled bore. As I show in The Power to Tax, SBRs were inserted into the 1934 NFA bill when pistols and revolvers were still in the bill, and the point was to prevent smaller rifles from being considered "any other concealable weapon." When pistols and revolvers were removed from the bill, it made no sense to retain SBRs – middle-sized rifled arms – in the bill.
The government throws in dicta from the plurality opinion in Thompson/Center Arms that an SBR is "a concealable weapon" "likely to be used for criminal purposes." Not so. As the 1986 Wright-Rossi study demonstrated, "sawed-off" rifles are the least likely type of firearm to be used in violent crime. Handguns, of course, top the list as recognized by the Supreme Court in Heller.
The government further suggests that NFA firearms in the "any other weapon" (AOW) category also lack Second Amendment protection. They include smooth-bore handguns, which cannot fire bullets accurately, but handguns with rifled bores are excluded from the AOW category. Some smooth-bore handguns can fire the diminutive .410 shot shell, making them allegedly "not typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes." Well guess what, a number of handguns with rifled bores can also fire the .410 shell, and they are not NFA firearms.
As the government notes, in U.S. v. Peterson (2025) the Fifth Circuit upheld "the NFA's shall-issue licensing regime" for silencers as consistent with the Second Amendment under Bruen. While footnote 9 of Bruen cited the overwhelming number of shall-issue state licensing laws for carrying handguns, it is a leap to justify registration laws from that footnote. As then Judge Kavanaugh wrote in his Heller II dissent, "Registration of all lawfully possessed guns – as distinct from licensing of gun owners or mandatory record-keeping by gun sellers – has not traditionally been required in the United States and even today remains highly unusual." Moreover, "registration requirements are often seen as half-a-loaf measures aimed at deterring gun ownership."
Finally, the government argues generally that the NFA restrictions at issue are "consistent with this Nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation," under the tradition of "prohibit[ing] the carrying of 'dangerous and unusual weapons.'" For that, it cites state cases, such as Wilson v. State (Ark. 1878), that concerned restrictions on the carrying – not the possession – of certain firearms.
Moreover, because the "dangerous and unusual" standard arises from the historical tradition of firearms regulation considered by courts only after an initial finding that an object is an "arm" under the Second Amendment's plain text, the government bears the burden of demonstrating here that the $0-taxed firearms are "dangerous and unusual." The DOJ's brief made virtually no effort to satisfy this burden beyond a few legal citations.
In the Brown case, the plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment may be viewed here. The United States is scheduled to file its combined opposition to plaintiffs' motion and its own cross-motion for summary judgment by December 17, 2025. In the Jensen case, the plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment may be viewed here.
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An infringement is an infringement, no matter how small.
(and taxes, background checks, and fingerprinting ARE infringements)
As are no-parking zones in front of gun shops.
So no fire hydrants permitted anywhere near? No bus stops either? 2nd Amendment says so? If there’s a fire, it’s just tough luck?
The simplest way to look at it is, you can have laws of general application that incidentally burden gun ownership, you can't have laws that specifically burden gun ownership.
Just treat guns like printing presses, and you're good to go.
Oh, in the real world that's a good point, but in Longtobefreeworld (tm), any infringement, regardless of how arising or how general, is streng verboten.
That might be a sensible complaint in an alternate universe where we actually WERE complaining about a fire hydrant depriving a gun store of one of its parking places, and not zoning laws excluding gun stores from entire cities.
Even if we assume that the NFA could be upheld under the commerce clause as an alternate ground, doesn't it run into the Lopez problem because the NFA doesn't use the magic words of "in or affecting commerce"?
The government's main argument proves too much. For literally anything for which it is claimed the federal government doesn't have the power over, it can just institute a $1 tax on the activity and allege that its now valid regulation is tailored to help the enforcement of the tax.
Isn’t that literally the reasoning behind the Obamacare decision? Just tax an activity and it’s all good. The Necessary & Proper Clause takes it from there. Between taxing and commercial regulation there’s literally nothing the federal government do, which destroys the entire concept of enumerated powers. But try explaining that to John Roberts.
Not exactly. Under Roberts care the government can tax the status of not having health insurance and thereby regulate the activity of not having health insurance indirectly.
The government's position here is even more attenuated. It is saying that it can have the registration requirement on certain NFA weapons to better enforce a separate tax on the sellers of NFA weapons. Sort of a "necessary and proper" clause for taxes on steroids.
This attenuation can really blow the doors off of any purported limitation of federal power.
There is no limitation on federal power. If the federal government can regulate intrastate commerce because it might affect interstate commerce, and tax inactivity, then it can do anything. There is simply no way SCOTUS is going to strike down the NFA (or any other federal gun-control law).
They did strike down the Gun Free School Zone law, but only because Congress forgot to include the magic words about interstate commerce. And I'm not sure they'd do that much today, though the reenacted with the magic words act has been carefully preserved from court challenge.
But, no, they're probably not going to strike down any well established federal gun laws, at most they might draw a line in the sand and not allow further infringements. At most.
They taxed marijuana when it was illegal just so they had another thing to club evildoers over the head with. I never did find out if one could go get such stamps and not have it be used against you, or even as legitimate reason to investigate you. I would think not under 5th amendment, but you know.
Actually, they originally taxed it when it was legal, because they were still willing to admit that they couldn't constitutionally make it illegal. Then gave up on the idea that there were things they couldn't do.
Same progression as with guns, occurring in the same time frame: Tax insanely high because you can't ban, then stop admitting you can't ban.
The thing about MJ was that they used a backdoor to ban it. What they actually banned was Hemp. MJ is in the Hemp family. The driving force behind this was William Randolph Hearst and textile manufacturers. Paper and fabric could be made from Hemp and that was cutting into Hearst's paper business and a cartel of textile manufacturer's business. People getting high off MJ was a feature that helped drive the ban.
there is also the claim that DuPont was protecting their market for nylon against hemp.
This sounds like some stuff that got retroconned in by 'hemp' advocates, frankly. I'll admit to being fooled by them, believing it was all about a good source of fiber being mistakenly banned. Then they get their way, and CBD oil starts showing up on every corner.
If the NFA is upheld under the commerce clause (or more accurately, the N&P Clause applied to the Commerce Clause), then no magic words are necessary. After all, the law upheld in Raich does not have the magic words.
You may very well be proven correct, but wasn't the CSA enacted under the commerce clause all along? The NFA was uniquely a tax, passed before they figured out the commerce clause angle.
A ruling in its favor would require a retrofit---a holding that "Yeah, this was always a tax, but we are going to do commerce clause anyways, even though this was never a regulation of commerce."
Raich applied rational-basis review where the reason for upholding the law need not be what Congress intended.
And the Court will almost certainly do that retrofit, because the NFA might be a 2nd amendment violation, but it's not one most of the Court will find objectionable.
They're not interested in enforcing the 2nd amendment in any principled way. All they're doing is policing outliers, jurisdictions that attack it much worse than the consensus level of infringement that is considered by the Court to be acceptable.
And they're only doing even that much where they can't find a way to avoid taking the cases.
Since federal gun laws are nation-wide, they tautologically are 'consensus' gun laws, regardless of how much they infringe the 2nd amendment. Also, you must remember that the federal government and the states are not held to the same standard of constitutional compliance: The Court is MUCH more inclined to strike down state laws, than it is federal laws, it take a much grosser and more offensive constitutional violation for the Court to do the latter.
Because they're a federal Court, nominated and confirmed at the federal level, and they weren't hired to inconvenience the federal government.
Rahimi was an eye opener for me. I'd been suckered into thinking the Court actually MEANT Bruen, when probably only Thomas did. As soon as a case came along where they didn't like the result of following Bruen, Thomas lost the rest of the Court.
I no longer expect anything more of this Court than maybe knocking down some extreme outlier state laws, and only that if they can't find a way to avoid taking the case.
No, the law upheld in Raich has the magic words. Just look at 21 USC 801, which begins with detailed Congressional findings that controlled substances have a substantial effect on interstate commerce. It didn’t really have to go into that much detail. It probably doesn’t have to say much more than the magic words “X has a substantial effect on interstate commerce,” and abbra cadabra presto changeo, Congress’s Commerce Clause power over X is conjured and apparates with all its ectoplasm.
The findings are categorical claims by Congress. In contrast, the magic words are a "jurisdictional element which would ensure, through case-by-case inquiry, that the firearm possession in question affects interstate commerce." (Lopez).
The Raich court held that Congress's categorical claims met rational-basis review (no jurisdictional magic words needed). However even absent the findings in the statute, rational-basis review permits the government to make those claims after the fact. And, that's the case with the law at issue in this post.
I think Mr. Halbrook has a point here.
However, under current Commerce Clause jurisprudence, he has a point only because Congress failed to say the right magic words when it wrote the statute. All Congress has to do is amend the statute to add a sentence or two with a few magic words, and abbra cadabra presto changeo! The statute magically becomes upholdable under the Commerce Clause.
We *might* have enough political clout to prevent that, or at least demand a concession in some other area in return. Maybe.
The problem is that, as Roberts' Penaltax ruling demonstrates, the Court wouldn't require Congress to actually do that.
When the NFA originally went before the Court, the Court essentially said, "Congress says this is a tax, and as long as it can produce any revenue at all, we're not going to stay they lied about that."
But the Penaltax ruling? Congress actually SAID it was a penalty, and the Court refused to let that matter.
These days, if there is some way that Congress could have constitutionally enacted the aim of legislation, the Court doesn't care that they didn't enact it that way. "No harm, no foul."
The penalty for failure to register a firearm is up to ten years in prison or a fine of up to $250,000 ($500,000 for an organization). Both a prison sentence (of any length) and a fine that’s grossly disproportionate to the value of the article involved fall outside the definition of “tax” under the Bailey v. Drexler Furniture standard. Drexler Furniture was decided in 1922 case, when the Commerce Clause did not extend to regulating employment conditions, so Congress had attempted to use it’s taxing power as an indirect method.
Drexler Furniture had held that a “tax” of 10% of net profits for employing child labor was so disproportionate that it was a de facto penalty and hence an impermissable regulation of purely intrastate commerce, despite Congress having called it a tax.
Justice Roberts in Sebellius had used the same standard in the opposite direction, to hold that the “penalty” for failing to have health insurance was sufficiently prroportionate to the cost of insurance that it was a de facto tax under Drexler Furniture despite Congress calling it a “penalty” and attempting to use its Commerce Clause power.
Here, the outcome under Drexler Furniture is a no brainer. Just the prison sentence standing alone, not even considering the fine which is grossly disproportionate to the value of the firearm, clearly shows that this is a penalty, not a tax, under the Drexler Furniture standard.
And the "tax" in the case of the NFA that was upheld amounted to several thousand percent.
The bottom line is that everything related to guns and drugs gets adjudicated under a very different standard than things the Justices generally don't despise.
Sozinsky v. US involved a $200 annual tax on firearms dealers. A lot of money in 1937, true, but not necessarily such a large amount when compared to annual business revenues. And it’s annual revenues from the business, not the cost of a single item of merchandise, that’s the relevant comparator when considering the proportionality of an annual tax on a business as distinct from a transfer tax on an individual item.
I was thinking more of the "tax" on suppressors. They cost maybe $10, and had a $200 tax on them, that's 2,000%.
I don't think that is correct. The tax is on the registration of the machine gun. The penalty is for failure to pay the tax.
Nobody is suggesting the the prison sentence is a "tax."
Anyway, this is something of a betrayal of gun owners by the Trump administration. The lame duck disinterest in pleasing one's supporters may be starting to kick in.
Is it, though? I mean, stopping the tax collection seems to be a first-hundred-days "okay, what 2nd Amd quick wins can we get?" action. Definitely gun owner fan service.
As for defending the statutes against gun owners for whom that service was not enough, there are a few possible explanations: USAs taking a while to get full control of their offices (I see a lot of that here in DDC), intra-Admin disagreement as to how far/fast to go, or Trump 4-D chess where all these moves have been anticipated and the result will be the SG "losing" after a valiant defense of the statutes. How do we know which one is happening? CC, JSM
"including suppressors, because they are "dangerous and unusual.""
Suppressors reduce the sound of a fired round. By definition and action they are the opposite of dangerous, as they protect a person's hearing. As for unusual, that's just laughable. Every ICE commercial motor vehicle has a suppressor, aka muffler, doing the same thing.
I've heard that in a lot of countries, they're actually treated as mandatory safety equipment.
I think the gun control movement figures, maybe they can't stop you from owning a gun, but they can at least make you more likely to go deaf.
That requires so many steps that it makes the test absurd. A suppressor is not dangerous. It is a muffler. I suppose the argument would be that it is not the suppressor itself but what it does---it makes a firearm sound quieter.
But that, by itself, is not dangerous. As you said, it has a utilitarian purpose. But, the argument would go, with a quiet firearm, a person could act out a movie scene, sneak into a place, and murder someone without anyone else hearing it.
Leaving aside the fact that this is nonsense, even if true, that is not by itself "dangerous." The danger is in the killing of a person, not the fact that one can escape detection.
So it really needs fleshed out what exactly is the danger that is being prevented by this regulation. And again, it is not a ban on these items but a requirement that they be registered with the BATFE with a $0 tax.
If this is going to be real law and the courts are not going to allow a plucking of legal sounding terms from the ether, the requirements here should be a lot tighter.
"Every ICE commercial motor vehicle has a suppressor, aka muffler, doing the same thing."
But that's so they can sneak up on those wily illegals!
CC, JSM
This was a really detailed and thought-provoking breakdown of the NFA challenges and the government’s shifting arguments. It’s interesting to see how much the tax nexus question affects the entire structure of the law. Also, after reading all this heavy legal analysis, I needed a quick break and ended up browsing recipes on https://recipelookbook.com/ — definitely a contrast, but a good reset before diving back in!