The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Second Circuit Upholds Injunction Protecting Speech About "Abortion Pill Reversal"
Such speech by the National Institute of Family & Life Advocates in this case, the court concluded, was noncommercial speech that was subject to broad First Amendment protection, rather than less protected "commercial speech."
From Nat'l Inst. of Family & Life Advocates v. James, decided today by Judge Joseph Bianco, joined by Judges Eunice Lee and Alison Nathan:
This case concerns statements that certain non-profit organizations that provide services and resources related to pregnancy and parenthood have made, or wish to make, about a protocol intended to counteract the effects of an abortion induced by oral medication.
A woman may seek to have a medication-induced abortion by first taking a dose of mifepristone followed by a dose of misoprostol 24 to 48 hours later. The dose of mifepristone is designed to block the body's progesterone receptors. Progesterone is a hormone critical to maintaining a pregnancy, and, by blocking its receptors, mifepristone can prevent the pregnancy from continuing. Once the progesterone receptors have been blocked, effectively ending the pregnancy, the dose of misoprostol induces the uterus to expel its contents.
If a woman has begun a medication-induced abortion by taking mifepristone, but has not yet taken misoprostol and decides she would like to continue her pregnancy, she may take progesterone supplements in an attempt to counter the effects of the mifepristone. The theory is that the progesterone supplements can increase the woman's progesterone levels to such a degree that the effects of mifepristone are neutralized. This use of progesterone is called "abortion pill reversal" or "APR." …
The NIFLA plaintiffs allege they have made religiously and morally motivated statements about APR on their website, social media, and in other materials … includ[ing]: (1) "if you have recently taken the abortion pill and are having regret, it may be possible to undo the effects of abortion drugs. Learn more here"; (2) "Progesterone … has been used to support pregnancies with a risk of miscarriage for decades[.] … [I]f you've taken the first [dose of mifepristone] and had doubts or changed your mind, you still have a chance to save your pregnancy!"; and (3) links to abortionpillreversal.com, the APR hotline, and the APRN webpage.
NIFLA sued the New York AG's office, claiming that the AG's past enforcement actions against pro-APR speakers chilled NIFLA's speech as well. And the Second Circuit "conclude[d] that the district court did not abuse its discretion, based on the record at this stage of the litigation, in finding that the NIFLA plaintiffs were likely to succeed on their First Amendment claims because their speech at issue is noncommercial speech, and the Attorney General has not demonstrated that regulation of that speech would survive strict scrutiny":
The NIFLA plaintiffs assert that they have made, and wish to continue to make, informational statements on their websites and in other sources about APR and provide links and instructions for accessing the APRN, maintained separately and exclusively by third-party HBI, so that women can receive more information about APR, receive counseling, and, if they so choose, be matched with a third-party provider who can administer APR. It is undisputed that the NIFLA plaintiffs have made, and wish to continue to make, these statements based on their moral and religious beliefs, not based on any economic motivation.
Moreover, the uncontroverted record demonstrates that the NIFLA plaintiffs do not charge for access to this information or any of the pregnancy-related or parenting services they administer. They also assert that they do not provide APR themselves, and there is no evidence in the record to the contrary. Furthermore, although they make referrals to third-party providers, which then provide APR, it is uncontroverted that they receive no commission, fee, or other form of direct or indirect remuneration for making these referrals. Thus, any decision to proceed with that protocol is made between the individual and a separate third-party provider the individual is referred to, including through the APRN. Accordingly, "[t]aken as a whole," based on the record before the Court at the preliminary injunction stage of litigation, "the nature of [the NIFLA plaintiffs'] speech" is informational, without any economic motivation, and thus, we agree with the district court that such speech is noncommercial….
To hold otherwise could potentially subject a sweeping range of non-profits to regulation of their speech for providing the public with information and resources concerning critical services. This could include, depending, of course, on the particular facts and context of each situation, a reproductive rights group in a state with abortion restrictions that provides information about out-of-state organizations that will help women obtain the procedure for free; an LGBT rights group in a state with gender-affirming care restrictions that provides free information about out-of-state organizations that will help individuals seeking hormone therapy to obtain it; or a group that matches immigrants with organizations providing access to employment, English language classes, or immigration legal services. Cf. In re Primus (1978) (concluding that a letter from a lawyer associated with the ACLU to a potential client "communicating an offer of free assistance by attorneys associated with the ACLU, not an offer predicated on entitlement to a share of any monetary recovery … [,] undertaken to express personal political beliefs and to advance the civil-liberties objectives of the ACLU, rather than to derive financial gain," was protected speech subject to strict scrutiny under the First Amendment). Expanding commercial speech in a way that covers public statements made by these types of organizations would push the commercial speech doctrine far beyond its "core" of regulating commercial transactions, and risks stymying a central tenant of the First Amendment….
The Attorney General first asserts that the speech should be considered commercial because "someone must bear the cost" of APR "be it insurance, the medical provider, or a charity," and that, as the complaint alleges, the NIFLA plaintiffs offer services in the "stream of commerce" that have commercial value. However, this would be true of any non-profit providing information, free services, and access to third-party providers; those services will inevitably have some commercial value and eventually someone will have to be paid for them. Thus, the fact that there will be some payment for services steps removed from the original provision of the information or service "does not suffice to transform [the NIFLA plaintiffs'] ideological and religious advocacy into commercial activity."
The Attorney General also contends that, despite the fact that the NIFLA plaintiffs do not offer APR services and receive no remuneration for APR referrals or other services they provide, the NIFLA plaintiffs' statements are nevertheless commercial speech because "consumers will likely be led to believe that the NIFLA plaintiffs will arrange for them to receive [the APR protocol] because their intended statements invite consumers to access a network of physicians who are willing and able" to provide it…. But here [unlike in past cases], the NIFLA plaintiffs allege that they receive no direct or indirect payment for the services they provide or referrals they make. Moreover, there is no evidence in the record, at this stage of litigation, to suggest that the NIFLA plaintiffs gain other types of economic benefits by engaging in this speech, such as an increased customer base or a capital increase through fundraising. In addition, to the extent the Attorney General argues that the NIFLA plaintiffs' speech is commercial because they serve as the "conduit" through which individuals can receive the APR protocol, that would, as we cautioned above, expand the commercial speech doctrine to virtually every type of non-profit entity….
{To support her position, the Attorney General relies on a recent decision in National Institute of Family & Life Advocates v. Bonta (C.D. Cal. 2025), where the district court denied NIFLA's request for a preliminary injunction on the ground, among others, that NIFLA's speech is commercial. Importantly, we note that, in Bonta, the district court found that a "powerful economic motivation" was demonstrated because the plaintiffs in that case, including NIFLA, "d[id] not dispute that they engage[d] in grant fundraising based, in part, on their APR advocacy and technical support," and that economic motivation "militate[d] strongly in favor of a finding that [the] proffered speech is commercial." Here, by contrast, there is no evidence regarding the NIFLA plaintiffs' fundraising activity. Indeed, the Attorney General has conceded for purposes of this motion that the NIFLA plaintiffs' speech is not economically motivated, and there does not appear to be any evidence in the record to suggest that the NIFLA plaintiffs receive any financial benefit for engaging in the speech.}
Because we hold that the NIFLA plaintiffs' speech is likely noncommercial, the Attorney General can regulate it only if she satisfies the requirements of strict scrutiny. The Attorney General bears the burden to show that a challenged regulation satisfies strict scrutiny by demonstrating that it is narrowly tailored to serve a compelling state interest…. Here, the Attorney General has not raised any arguments regarding strict scrutiny either before the district court or on appeal, and thus she has not satisfied her burden.
{ The Attorney General also argues that she may regulate the NIFLA plaintiffs' APR-related statements as commercial speech because those statements misrepresent the safety and efficacy of APR and are thus false and misleading. To be sure, … the State can regulate false and misleading speech if it constitutes commercial speech. However, because we conclude that the NIFLA plaintiffs' statements are, on this record and at this stage in the litigation, noncommercial speech, we need not reach this argument. Moreover, the Attorney General has not asserted that she can regulate the NIFLA plaintiffs' speech under another category of speech, such as fraudulent speech, that has traditionally not received First Amendment protection….
{We note that we are reviewing the NIFLA plaintiffs' challenge to the Attorney General's conduct at an early stage of litigation, and, as we have explained, "[a] preliminary injunction is not a full merits decision, but rather addresses only the likelihood of success on the merits."" }
Caroline C. Lindsay, John J. Bursch, Erin M. Hawley, James A. Campbell, Erik Baptist, and J. Caleb Dalton (Alliance Defending Freedom) represent plaintiffs.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
For example, Gianna’s House offers a variety of free services, including pregnancy tests, counseling, parental education classes, post-abortion support, and referrals for related services. Similarly, Options Care Center provides free services, such as pregnancy tests, parental education, and post-abortion care and support.
So they provide what amounts to medical-related services.
The "religiously and morally motivated statements" involve statements that the state argues fraudulently inform people about a drug/medical procedure. Furthermore, the groups are a conduit to "connect with medical providers."
The opinion references another case involving requiring disclaimers that certain services weren't provided. Not quite the same thing as promoting false drug information.
This is not merely "political information" or opinions about abortion being murder because it kills "babies" or whatever.
The case turns on this not being commercial speech. I have no comment as to the court of appeals correctly following precedent.
"So they provide what amounts to medical-related services."
"medical-related" is doing some heavy lifting there.
They don't provide any medical services. They give pregnancy tests (that you can buy at the store), they provide counseling and classes, and they tell people what doctors can provide care they need.
If they're wrong about the progesterone therapy, then there wouldn't be any doctors to provide it. If you're right, the progesterone therapy wouldn't work even if they tried it.
If you're correct about the progesterone, then you should be happy because the baby's dead either way.
JoeFromtheBronx 14 hours ago
Flag Comment
"So they provide what amounts to medical-related services."
Now do School administrations who institute the mental health protocols promoted by WPATH without the knowledge of the child's parents. Selective condemnation of medical related services?
The government has the power to regulate schools, especially if it is their own schools.
JoeFromtheBronx 18 minutes ago
Flag Comment
Mute User
"The government has the power to regulate schools, especially if it is their own schools."
Do schools have a medical license?
Do the schools have the authority to institute mental health treatment protocols advocated by WPATH without parental approval.
The answer is an absolute No!
Thanks for confirming your failure to grasp the distinction.
I'm not sure what your "gotcha" is supposed to be, but I appreciate the gratitude, I guess.
Gotcha -
A- double standard
B - Failure to grasp that implementing mental health protocols without a medical license, without a prescription from a licensed medical or mental health provider to implement those protocols, without parental approval is an absolute no no.
C - This is a case of protocols implement to a specific individual vs providing information to the general public.
Beyond the obvious -
A. No
B. That is a bit verbose. Anyway, you don't need a license to, in some fashion, craft such protocols.
C. IDK, but if so, again, not sure what the gotcha is.
Not very obvious.
It takes a certain level of mashugana to demand a religious right to lie to women about medial treatments.
Sick pro abortion advocates lie to women all the time to encourage them to end the lives of their unborn children.
It takes an even greater level to be scared that it might not be a lie.
As I read it, the relevant research is inconclusive at best, not conclusively negative.
Ah yes, the George Costanza.
"It's not a lie, if you believe it."
If the research is inconclusive at best, not conclusively negative, but they are telling women that APR works, then they are lying.
It’s not as black and white as that. Take Wilhelm Reich. He may have been a complete crackpot. His orgone theories certainly weren’t confirmed by others. But his prosecution has been widely condemned as a travesty of the First Amendment.
The 2nd Circuit ruled here on speech grounds, not religious grounds. Religion wasn’t relevant to its reasoning. Many of the opinion’s hypothetical ways liberal speech could be suppressed by conservative states based on teasoning similar to New York’s (e.g. the ACLU counseling immigrants or NARAL publicizing the availability of out-of-state abortions) were not in any way religious.
It’s worth pointing out the consequences of the NYAttorney General’s attempt to apply Interstate Commerce Clause jurisprudence to the determination of whether speech is commerical. Under that interpretation, it would be hard go find speech that isn’t commercial. Speech transmitted through instrumentalities or articles of commerce, whether the internet or old-fashioned paper, would very likely be considered to come under the commercial exception.
I recently wrote a comment pointing out that if the same analysis methodology used to interpret the Commerce Clause were applied to interpreting exceptions to various clauses in the Bill of Rights, the exceptions would quickly swallow the rule and render it a near-nullity. And here we have a case where a state does something almost exactly like my hypothetical, and a court points out that if Commerce Clause logic were applied, the right involved would become a near-nullity.
My question is this. The 2nd Circuit here thinks that making an exception to government power a near nullity is such a problem that the consequences justify not interpreting things that way. But if it’s a problem here, why isn’t a problem for the commerce clause itself? Why isn’t the fact that current jurisprudence stretches the scope of “commercial” so wide it makes almost everything subject to the Commerce Clause and makes exceptions to federal power rare anomalies, also considered a problem for interpreting the Commerce Clause that way? Why shouldn’t one similarly conclude that the consequences mean it can’t possibly be so? And conversely, if it’s NOT a problem for the Commerce Clause, what makes it a problem here?
Assume, for the moment, that the progesterone treatment does not work.
Is it harmful or dangerous? Are there risks in taking it?
If not, and if NIFLA is not profiting, and not purporting to base their advice on medical expertise, then I think they are entitled to tell lies "based on their moral and religious beliefs." Lots of people do that.
A question for the lawyers: If a woman takes their advice and suffers harmful consequences as a result, does NIFLA have any liability?
The government argued it was not simply non-profit, and there was some connection to things and organizations of a medical nature that it had the power to regulate.
The court rejected that on the facts.
New York allows "wrongful birth" lawsuits. I don't see why immunity from prior restraint implies immunity from tort liability.
CBD gets promoted by many groups for all kinds of conditions despite the evidence really only supporting epileptic seizure prevention, while everything else is still dubious. Medical marijuana groups promote CBD for treating psychiatric disorders, even though there's no reason to believe that. If they can agitate in favor of their quack treatments, I don't see why others can't.
One can challenge your factual premises but if the government determines the information is fraudulent, they have the power to regulate that in various respects, too, if they deem it necessary.
Or some other drug. And, the government does so regulate.
It then is a matter of determining if the specific context [the government argued this is more than simple advocacy] warrants the regulation.
"if the government determines the information is fraudulent, they have the power to regulate that in various respects"
But really, no.
They could try to outlaw doctors from prescribing progesterone to women after they've taken mefipristone. They can't outlaw people from talking about it.
Sure, if they're selling it. If they're simply advocating for it then it's not fraud. Otherwise I doubt medical marijuana orgs would have survived this long.
Again, people can challenge your argument on the facts, but to the degree the state is trying to regulate here, it regulates various things. The state argued (the court didn't accept the approach the state used) that it wasn't mere advocacy.