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Should The Denial Of Rights To Aliens Cut Against Restoring The Privileges or Immunities Clause?
What rights do aliens have under Section 1?
Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment includes references to both citizens and persons:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
The text provide that only the "privileges or immunities" of citizens are protected. By contrast, persons receive the protections of the due process of law and the equal protection of the laws. And the first sentence instructs that not all persons are citizens, but personhood can exist prior to birth.
Debates about restoring the Privileges or Immunities Clause inevitably turn to the protection of rights for people who are not citizens. In McDonald v. Chicago, the Petitioner's merits brief preemptively addressed this issue: "Nor would invocation of the Privileges or Immunities Clause, referencing the rights of 'citizens,' rather than under the Due Process Clause, which protects 'person[s],' necessarily deprive non-citizens of any rights." In Timbs v. Indiana, the Petitioner argued that the Excessive Fine Clause of the Eighth Amendment should be incorporated through the Privilege or Immunities Clause. During oral argument, Justice Ginsburg asked if that argument "would leave out non-citizens?" Wesley Hottott, lawyer for the Institute for Justice, conceded the point. He said, "Yes, textually, Justice Ginsburg, that would leave out non-citizens, but, of course, Petitioner is a citizen, and that could be a decision for another day."
When McDonald and Timbs were argued, I think views on immigration were quite different then they are now. Under the political climate of the day, as well as the composition of the Court, it would have been unthinkable for the Court to decide a case that denied certain rights to aliens. In both cases, only Justice Thomas was willing to venture down that path. Justice Gorsuch has signaled that the right to a jury trial might be such a privilege or immunity of citizenship, but he hasn't signed on yet.
Today, however, the political climate with regard to immigration has changed. I don't think it would be unthinkable for the Court to rule that only citizens have a certain constitutional right. During the Rosenkranz Debate yesterday, Professor Mary Anne Case cast doubt on recognizing parental rights as a privilege or immunity of citizenship, because non-citizens would not receive those rights. I don't think that argument resonated, at all, in the ballroom. Indeed, for the first time that I can recall, the Federalist Society's National Convention held a showcase panel on illegal immigration. Speakers included Gene Hamilton from America First Legal, who served as President Trump's Deputy White House Counsel, and Trevor Ezell, who serves as Governor Abbott's Counsel. They advanced a pro-restrictionist reading of the Constitution.
Should the denial of rights to non-citizens cut against restoring the Privileges or Immunities Clause? I don't think so. The original meaning of the Constitution is the original meaning of the Constitution. We shouldn't distort that meaning to satisfy present-day preferences.
Could Congress address this situation? By analogy, the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment do not extend to Indian Tribes. For example, after Obergefell, Indian Tribes still had to decide whether to legalize same-sex marriage. The federal Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment likewise do not directly extend to Puerto Rico and other territories (though the nuances are complex).
Could Congress pass a statute guaranteeing the privileges or immunities of citizenship to resident aliens--that is, people in the country lawfully but who are not citizens? Without question, Congress could pass a statute that requires federal officers to secure these rights to aliens. But could Congress require the states to protect the privileges or immunities of aliens? Stated differently, could Congress waive a state's sovereign immunity if it deprives an alien of the privileges or immunities of citizenship? I think there would be a Boerne problem. Congress cannot expand the scope of Section 1. If the text only extends these rights to citizens, then I do not think Congress could use its Section 5 powers to require states to secure these rights to noncitizens.
This thought experiment reinforces how challenging it is to map nineteenth century understandings of citizenship onto modern immigration laws. During the debates over the Fourteenth Amendment, there were discussions about Gypsies and Chinese workers. But the dynamics back then are very different from the dynamics today.
I think back to A.A.R.P. v. Trump, which ostensibly recognized due process rights for illegal aliens who were designated as enemy aliens. What process was due to these individuals? The Alien Enemies Act suggested that these aliens receive zero process at all. I have always thought this law was arguably a suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.
I also think back to debates about how illegal aliens affect representation. Justice Thomas's concluded in Evenwel v. Abbott that "the Constitution did not resolve whether the ultimate basis of representation is the right of citizens to cast an equal ballot or the right of all inhabitants to have equal representation."
These are all issues that are up for debate.
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This equation is or can be complex. Reducing it to particulars would be helpful. For those in the country who have no legal right to be here, as without evidence to support their presence, then the immigration courts and their laws would be solely in effect. That is their Due Process. Now, if these persons are being held for other crimes, then the appropriate courts would take over. The sole determinate of presence is in the immigration courts.
"Should the denial of rights to non-citizens cut against restoring the Privileges or Immunities Clause? I don't think so. The original meaning of the Constitution is the original meaning of the Constitution. We shouldn't distort that meaning to satisfy present-day preferences."
This, a thousand times this, ten thousand times this.
Once you decide you're not going to interpret any part of the Constitution according to the best evidence of it's actual meaning, you've decided you're going to be corrupt. Bluntly, you've decided to lie about what the highest law of the land actually means.
This issue was addressed by multiple people who support a broad usage of the P/I Clause.
The Equal Protection Clause would protect at least documented noncitizens against state discrimination. If citizens had religious liberty so would noncitizens.
See, e.g., Traux v. Jones (1915)
The question, then, is whether the act assailed is repugnant to the 14th Amendment. Upon the allegations of the bill, it must be assumed that the complainant, a native of Austria, has been admitted to the United States under the Federal law. He was thus admitted with the privilege of entering and abiding in the United States, and hence of entering and abiding in any state in the Union. [cite omitted] Being lawfully an inhabitant of Arizona, the complainant is entitled under the 14th Amendment to the equal protection of its laws.
I think current law should [should] apply this principle to undocumented in most cases (something like the 2A might be tricky) too.
As to representation, 14A, sec. 2.
Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.
"Persons."
"the Constitution did not resolve whether the ultimate basis of representation is the right of citizens to cast an equal ballot or the right of all inhabitants to have equal representation."
If this is hinting at seats in Congress, the apportionment clause uses neither term, it says "free persons". It's not unlikely that the next time the term gets to court some anti-birthright lawyer will argue that "free" really means the native-born citizen children of native-born citizen parents. Everyone else is somehow "not fully free" due to some lurking multi-generational "allegiance" to a foreign power.
The 14th Amendment overrode the part about "free persons". The 14th says: "Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed." So that particular dumb argument doesn't work anyway.
Thanks for pointing that out.
"During the debates over the Fourteenth Amendment, there were discussions about Gypsies and Chinese workers. But the dynamics back then are very different from the dynamics today."
"the Constitution did not resolve whether the ultimate basis of representation is the right of citizens to cast an equal ballot or the right of all inhabitants to have equal representation."
What the hell do these comments have anything to do with the question supposedly being asked by this post? Why does Blackman write in such a meandering, disjointed, and confused way. His ramblings don't follow a coherent thread or contiguous thought process, and sound more like the dazed utterances of a deteriorating Alzheimer patient.
Denial of rights to one group is a denial of rights to all. Limiting rights to some people is antithetical to a free country.
Giving rights to aliens is antithetical to the whole notion of a country.
That is a ridiculous comment that has no basis in history, law, or logic. Civilized free countries protect the rights of all.
On the contrary, a great many free countries (including most of Europe) draw quite stark distinctions between the rights of citizens and the rights of non-citizens. And the rights of non-citizens are invariably lesser, though there is great variance in the degree to which they are lesser.
Note: I agree that we should protect the rights of all. You're not helping when you make absolutist and therefore easily falsifiable claims about historical facts.
That is fine as a general matter though citizens do have certain rights (such as voting) that non-citizens don't have.
All groups don't have exactly the same rights.
Voting is not a right in the US.
Voting is not a right in the US.
Yes, it is.
The Supreme Court repeatedly said it was a "fundamental right," which warrants heightened review for equal protection purposes. See, e.g., Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections ("right of suffrage").
The opinion also reminds that the Constitution provides a right to vote in certain contexts ("the right to vote in federal elections is conferred by Art. I, § 2, of the Constitution").
States also protect the right to vote, including in state constitutions. The federal government protects the right to vote as well, including the right to vote in territories and D.C.
Regardless, the Constitution specifically speaks of the privileges and (or) immunities of "citizens." Citizens in this country have certain rights (yes), including to serve on juries that noncitizens do not have.
Children also don't have certain rights (yes) that adults have. State constitutions provide certain "rights" (to use the word used) to certain groups in various contexts.
Native Americans, in certain cases, have different rights than non-Native Americans. For instance, federal law protects the rights of tribes per a 1970s law that allows tribes to establish religions.
"Denial of rights to one group is a denial of rights to all."
If so, that is not our practice. The traditional rule is that certain classifications are suspect or quasi-suspect. The rule is not that no classifications are ever warranted.
I don't think it unreasonable that when I am in Canada, for instance, that I am a guest in their country and I don't have all of the rights as citizens of Canada.
Now, as an avowed free country, Canada should treat me with a basic level of fairness when I am visiting, but I think it is unreasonable to demand that I have every single one of the rights of a Canadian when I just crossed the border, even legally, and definitely not illegally.
If nothing else, I don't have the right to stay indefinitely, even if I would really like to. Canada can tell me "no."
Let's not confine ourselves to federal law, but look instead at the big picture.
Even before the Fourteenth Amendment, federally-enforceable treaties protected foreign immigrants and visitors.
We had treaties with many countries by which the citizens of each country had basic rights in the other country, like doing business and so on.
Treaties, and international-law principles, promised aliens equal rights when they were in the judicial system. With consular access, they arguably have even more rights than U. S. citizens.
Congress has the power, predating the 14th Amendment, to provide criminal penalties for violators of the law of nations.
And that's before we even begin to get into modern human-rights treaties.
Thus, a lot of the things which are protected, as to citizens, by a proper reading of the Privileges and Immunities Clause, are protected, as to aliens, by treaties and international-law guarantees which in many cases predate the Fourteenth Amendment.
So by 1868, aliens had legal protections - indeed, more legal protections than Blacks. The 14th Amendment provided federal protection to the rights of U. S. citizens, whose ranks, the amendment also specified, included Black people.
Arguably, the Fourteenth Amendment helped citizens catch up with aliens with respect to many of the federally-enforceable rights they enjoyed.
Hmm...please ignore the first sentence of the above. Start with "Even before the Fourteenth Amendment." Thank you.
That is well argued. Not being deeply familiar with those treaties, how did they apply to aliens in-country without permission?
Formal visas did not exist until the mid-19th century so presumably they were not contemplated in those pre-14A treaties but "safe conducts" and "letters of safe passage" did exist. What treaty protections were afforded back then to aliens who lacked such letters?
'And the first sentence instructs that not all persons are citizens, but personhood can exist prior to birth." Nice try, professor. The 14th amendment protections start at birth. If a woman gets pregnant in the US and then moves abroad, no rights ensue.
It's someone's *citizenship* which starts with American birth, or with naturalization.
Personhood doesn't depend on birth, and a state can't "deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws" or deprive a person of life, liberty or property without due process of law.
The parts of the 14th specifically applying to states don't apply, but the Bill of Rights? Congress shall make no law... unless it's a law just affecting Puerto Rico, in which case maybe it's fine? That doesn't seem right. I don't think the writers of the Bill of Rights intended that, say, the federal government could impose cruel and unusual punishments in the Northwest Territory.
There’s an obvious way out here. The equal protection clause guarantees that all persons get the same privileges and immunities.
It's an obviously wrong way out, since the P&I clause In Article IV, Section 2 says "The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States."
Then the 14th amendment itself says, "No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States;"
Then it goes on to say, "nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."
So the 14th amendment itself clearly distinguishes between privileges and immunities, and due process/equal protection.
If they hadn't repeated that "citizens" language in the 14th amendment, you might have a case, but they did.
Then you look at the Congressional debate over the 14th amendment. Introducing it, Senator Howard cites Corfield v. Coryell, in which Judge Washington repeatedly says, "citizen".
It would be really weird if you were right: That would put aliens on EXACTLY the same footing as citizens, erasing all difference.
Here is an unedited AI generated list of our P&I using the search term: bullet item list of Privileges and Immunities of US citizens. (note: I use Brave as my browser).
The right to pass through or reside in any other state for purposes such as trade, agriculture, or professional pursuits.
The right to claim the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus.
The right to institute and maintain actions in the courts of the state.
The right to acquire, possess, and dispose of property, either real or personal, within a state.
The right to be exempt from higher taxes or impositions than those paid by the state’s own citizens.
The right to pursue and obtain happiness and safety, including protection by the government and the enjoyment of life and liberty.
The right to engage in lawful business in other states, such as entering into contracts or lending money.
The right to travel freely between states.
The right to petition Congress for a redress of grievances.
The right to vote for national officers.
The right to enter public lands.
The right to be protected against violence while in the lawful custody of a United States marshal.
The right to inform United States authorities of violations of federal laws.
The right to use the navigable waters of the United States.
The right to access the seat of government, seaports, subtreasuries, land offices, and courts of justice in the several states.
The right to demand protection from the Federal Government on the high seas or abroad.
The right of assembly.
The right to engage in interstate commerce.
The right to sue and defend in the courts of a state on terms that are reasonable and adequate, even if not identical to those for resident citizens.
I am sure there are more; this P&I list was instantaneous. Information availability sure has changed in 50 years.
"...but personhood can exist prior to birth."
You thought you'd just slip that in there, eh Blackman?
That caught my eye too - high quality, Top-200 legal analysis there.
Yep
re: "And the first sentence instructs that ... but personhood can exist prior to birth"
I'm not seeing anything in the first sentence of the 14A that supports that conclusion. The idea of anything before before birth would have been just silly in 1868. Medical science was not sufficiently advanced for those ideas to even be possible.
I'm sorry but such an error right up front undercuts the credibility of the rest of your analysis.
I am as pro-life as they come but the "fetal personhood" argument proves far too much. If a fetus is an entire person with the same rights as any born person, that would call into question even laws which permit an abortion to save the life of the mother.
If both lives are equal in all respects, how can the state favor the life of the mother over that of the unborn child?
Since you framed it as a hypothetical (and I love a good debate), a fetal-personhood absolutist could still defend a law permitting abortions to save the life of the mother on the grounds that the mother is necessary (for some legislative defintion of "necessary") to the life of the fetus and that such laws are merely legal articulations of the premise that it's better to lose only one life than two.
Anyway, a normal legal rule is that a person can kill in self-defense. That includes if they are killing a person.
If a fifteen-year-old girl, for instance, needs to have an abortion to save her own life, it would follow standard practice even if the one-month-old embryo being killed is a constitutional person.
Arguably, it would be trickier if the girl had twins. OTOH, as you suggest, if the girl is going to die anyway, the embryo will often die too. A more developed fetus might have a chance to survive.
A tricky issue would be (as is often the case) there is only a chance the girl will die. How strong a chance is enough? Does she have to be in effect about to die? etc.
The trouble drawing lines, the vagueness of it all, was one reason some early court cases struck down abortion bans.
Not going anywhere, because of our recent experience with illegal aliens. The country, in general, don’t want non-resident aliens with guns or on any type of welfare. Or, if they aren’t fluent in English, behind the wheel of 18 wheelers. Probably behind the wheel of a vehicle, period. Or voting, etc.