The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
The Second Amendment and Foster Parents
From a South Carolina Attorney General opinion issued last week:
Dear Representative Gilliam:
You seek our opinion "on a matter important to all South Carolinians, especially those among us who are serving as foster parents to the over 4,500 South Carolina youths in foster care." Specifically, your letter states:… [o]ur concerns and answers to our questions [require resolution] so that these dedicated volunteers retain their Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms—uninfringed—while they provide their generous and valuable help to children in need.
It is my understanding that caseworkers and other officials with the South Carolina Department of Social Services [SCDSS] are prohibiting foster parents from adopting a foster child so long as any firearms are present in their home.
Our research has not found any state code requiring a complete deaccession of household firearms by foster parents who are considering adoption of a foster child. [The opinion then cites SCDSS regulations and policies that require foster parents to generally keep firearms "stored in an inoperative condition in a locked area inaccessible to children." -EV] …
[A] court could well conclude that the DSS regulations regarding the requirement of gun storage in foster homes violate the Second Amendment. We note that even before Bruen, in Heller, the Supreme Court struck down, "the District's requirement (as applied to respondent's handgun) that firearms in the home be rendered and kept inoperable at all times." In the words of the Heller Court,
[t]his [requirement] makes it impossible for citizens to use [firearms] … for the core lawful purpose of self-defense and is hence unconstitutional. The District argues that we should interpret this element of the statute to contain an element for self-defense …. But we think that is precluded by the unequivocal text, and by the presence of certain other enumerated exceptions …. The nonexistence of a self-defense exception is also suggested by the D.C. Court of Appeals' statement that the statute forbids residents to use firearms to stop intruders….
We are unaware of any historical analogue whereby firearms may not be used for self-defense in the home of a foster parent and thereby must remain dismantled, such as the DSS regulation requires. In our view, a foster parent possesses the same constitutional right to self-protection as any other law-abiding citizen. Absent a court concluding that a foster parent poses a danger to others, (which, if so, would likely disqualify that person as a candidate to be a foster parent anyway), Rahimi is inapplicable. Moreover, history has not created a special exception in the case of foster parents, to our knowledge. As Heller makes clear, a requirement that a firearm must be stored and disabled is the equivalent of no-self-defense at all. This requirement is inconsistent with the Second Amendment.
We have located a federal court decision which supports our analysis[,] … Johnson v. Lyon (W.D. Mich. 2018). [It reasoned,]
Storing firearms in an inoperable condition makes them useless for the defense of hearth and home, which implicates the Second Amendment. The need for self-defense rarely comes with advance notice; it occurs spontaneously, often at times specifically chosen for the expected vulnerability of the intended victim.
For example, a foster parent cannot "use" a firearm while asleep. Thus, Rule 415 [the rule involved in Johnson] mandates that the gun be stored in a locked gun safe or trigger locked, and the ammunition must be stored in a separate locked location. If, during the night, the need arises for the foster parent to use the gun for self-defense, he or she must now retrieve the weapon from the gun safe, proceed to a ""separate locked location" to retrieve the ammunition, and load the gun. Only then would it be a functional firearm capable of defending hearth and home. Like the Heller ordinance, these significant constraints on self-defense within the home clearly implicate the Second Amendment; the Department's argument to the contrary must fail….
The Department argues that Rule 415 fits within two of the presumptively lawful categories of government regulation [recognized in Heller]: (1) possession of firearms in a sensitive area, and (2) the "longstanding tradition of targeting select groups' ability to access and use arms in the interests of public safety, including restrictions based on age." … The Court does not find either argument persuasive.
First, The Department argues that foster homes are analogous to schools because "both have temporary control over others' children." Public areas fall within the "sensitive place" exception because they are important to the function of government or because the "possessing firearms in such places risks harm to great numbers of defenseless people ….
Foster homes are obviously not such a place. They are homes. And considering one's home a "sensitive area" would eviscerate Heller's clarification that ""the need for defense of self, family, and property is most acute" in the home….
Second, the Department asserts that, "caselaw allows a complete prohibition of firearms … from children." … [But] Rule 415 directly burdens people outside of a vulnerable demographic to reach children, and it allegedly prevents them from using firearms in their homes. Such a restriction clearly falls within the Second Amendment's protection….
The restraints placed upon the possession of a firearm by requiring that a foster parent household must dismantle that firearm and keep it stored would likely be deemed by a court to be an infringement upon the homeowner's Second Amendment right to defend hearth and home. Such a requirement provides no self-defense at all….
My view: This is a special case of the "unconstitutional conditions" question, which asks whether the government may require people to agree not to exercise their constitutional rights—at least to some extent—while participating in a government-run program (here, a foster parenting program). Here's my thinking on the question, from Implementing the Right to Keep and Bear Arms After Bruen (which touches on the foster parenting question at the end):
Bruen dealt with a law that restricted gun carrying nearly everywhere in the state of New York. Because the law wasn't limited to government property, the Court had no occasion to decide whether special rules should apply to such property, or to the government imposing rules on employees or contractors.
But the Court has long recognized that individual rights claims may play out differently when government property is involved (setting aside property traditionally open to the public, such as streets, sidewalks, and parks). That doctrine is especially well-developed for the freedom of speech, where there are special rules for nonpublic forum property, as well as for government employees, contractors, and public-school students. Likewise, Fourth Amendment law gives the government greater authority to search government employees' offices and the property that K-12 students bring to school.
When the Court recognized a right to abortion, it similarly concluded that the right didn't extend to government-owned hospitals or even hospitals built on land leased from the government. And when the Court recognized a Free Exercise Clause right to religious exemptions from generally applicable laws, it likewise treated government property differently: Just as the Free Speech Clause doesn't protect a right to solicit a state fair, so the Free Exercise Clause did not protect a right to do so for religious purposes.
This might offer an alternative justification for some of the "sensitive places" restrictions on gun carrying mentioned in Bruen, since the most often discussed "sensitive places" tend to be government property, such as "legislative assemblies, polling places, … courthouses," and "schools." But the rationale would be less about the history and tradition of gun regulation and more about the broader history and tradition of recognizing the government's right to exercise some (though not all) of the rights of ordinary property owners. And in at least some situations—for instance, when it comes to government employers' restrictions on the conduct of their employees—the rationale may also stem from a judgment that the government may often require one to surrender some part of one's constitutional rights (though again not the entirety of those rights) as a condition of getting a government paycheck.
At the same time, on one type of government property the interest in having guns for self-defense may be especially strong: public housing. Though Bruen held that the right to keep and bear arms extends beyond the home, that right certainly extends into the home, and the case for it seems at least as strong for government-owned homes as for privately owned homes. Indeed, the First and Fourth Amendments likely apply to the inside of public housing, much the same way as they apply to privately owned homes. Any concern about bullets lethally penetrating walls would be best satisfied by requirements that firearms in public apartment buildings use ammunition that doesn't substantially risk this—the shot used in many shotguns, or special frangible ammunition in handguns.
Similarly, while the government likely has considerable power to control what employees and contractors do while performing government functions, that power might not be unlimited, especially when the employees and contractors are working away from government property. Consider, for instance, restrictions on gun possession by foster parents: On the one hand, they are paid by the government to take care of children who are wards of the state; on the other, they do this in their own homes, and in other places where defending themselves (and the children) may be required. Thus, the Seventh Circuit remanded a case involving restrictions on foster parents for consideration of both the historical scope of the right to bear arms post-Bruen and "the interaction of Bruen and the unconstitutional conditions doctrine, including but not limited to the employment context."
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
"But the rationale would be less about the history and tradition of gun regulation and more about the broader history and tradition of recognizing the government's right to exercise some (though not all) of the rights of ordinary property owners."
I wouldn't necessarily have a problem with this but a property owner cannot create a criminal law which punishes people who go against his express wishes with felony penalties---which then acts as a catalyst to ban gun ownership everywhere for the person convicted for the rest of their lives.
The property owner can ask me to leave. If the government only did that, it would be fine.
There's no criminal penalty here. If I understand the summary above, DSS is refusing to allow prospective foster parents to participate in the foster care program unless they agree keep any firearms in their homes inaccessible for use in self defense. The only penalty is lack of access to the foster care program. The AG opinion actually points out that there doesn't seem to be any real statutory basis for DSS's position (which leads one to suspect it may not be enforceable at all and certainly isn't enforceable via criminal penalties).
Seems to me that's pretty close to your "property owner can ask me to leave" hypothetical. Prospective foster parents always have the option of not participating or terminating their participation.
I still think DSS's position creates a Second Amendment problem, but not because it imposes criminal penalties.
It's a pretty major second amendment problem though. "If you want to foster children, you must give up your second amendment rights".
Which other rights could be contingent on this?
"If you want to foster children, you must give up your first amendment rights in regards to any public criticism of DSS"
"If you want to foster children, you must first give up your religion, and not expose the children to any Christian beliefs"
"If you want to foster children, you must give up your right to vote"
I don't think the 'you can just leave' works for the government though.
Give up your rights for a driver's license - you can always take a bus or walk. Give up your rights or you can't get insurance (medical or otherwise) from the state.
That sort of thing. Participation with the state can't be predicated on giving up rights. Imagine of they said that of freedom of speech, religion, warrant requirements, cruel and unusual punishment?
Not really. The analogy doesn't hold in this situation. There is no government property here to be trespassed from. Quite the opposite, actually; this is in the foster parents' own home.
There is no hook here that makes it like a courthouse or a polling place. It is in all material respects identical to any other home. If the government is forbidden from mandating "safe storage" in the average home, including those with small children, then there is no rational basis for mandating it in these subset of homes.
" . . . shall not be infringed. '
Of course, the courts could always decide the best option is to prohibit the government from being involved in child care.
And pigs might fly.
Why should judges’ personal opinions about what they think government should and shouldn’t do override what the people and their elected representatives think best? Should judges be our nannies that they get to decide everything for us?
Why should legislators be able to violate the Constitution based on their personal opinions about what they think government should and shouldn't do?
The Constitution doesn’t prohibit regulation of child care.
nor does it enumerate that power.
Guess which controls.
I guess you don't like the idea of judicial review? Overrule Marbury v. Madison?
I don’t like the idea of judges “prohibiting government from being involved in child care,” ab area the constitution entitles them to regulate, for no other reason than they decide that doing so is the “best option.
Marbury v. Madison was about following law, not about judges imposing their own prefered policy “options.”
Skeptical as I am of government's competence at, well, anything, I can't think of any time in history when government didn't have a role in the care of orphans.
Not that it matters at this point in history, but before the Reformation it was primarily the Church, supplemented by charity. Before the Church, there wasn't necessarily anything in place for orphans in general beyond individual charity.
Before the Reformation, the Church and the State were not materially separated.
Before the Church (and for much of the time when the Church was dominant), there was not much at the national level but care of orphans was very much a concern and responsibility of municipalities, tribal chieftains and other local governments.
They were not entirely separate but they also weren't the same, nor did all of their activities overlap. The Church had been supporting orphans of its own volition since the beginning, when it was completely at odds with the state. The state didn't bother one way or another about it until the Reformation, at which point it was baked into our culture.
It's not true that states have always taken a role in caring for orphans, even if you consider local communities as states. Roman orphans could be adopted by wealthy families on an individual basis who needed more laborers (good and bad) or possibly an heir, but their care was otherwise ignored. The state didn't bother stopping orphans from getting pimped out by their families or used as slaves, for instance, and there were no protections extended to them as orphans before or after adoption.
Before the reformation the church.and state were still separate entities - the church just wielded more power over choosing secular authorities but it was not an arm of the state but a competing state of it's own.
Uhm, for the majority of history - even through the first half of the history of the US (1912).
Google disagrees:
Governments began taking on a more direct role in orphan care in the early 1900s, leading to the establishment of child welfare agencies and federal funding for child welfare services. While private charities had been placing orphans in the mid-1800s, the government's role grew with the founding of the U.S. Children's Bureau in 1912 and the passage of the Social Security Act in 1935, which authorized the first federal grants for child welfare services.
Blithering nonsense. I'm not an expert in the field, but I know that's wrong - the states funded orphanages for Civil War veterans.
WTF? Even if ReaderY's response to your comment weren't dispositive, you understand that we're talking about kids who don't have parents, right? (Either because they're orphans or abandoned or because their parents were deemed unable/unfit to care for the kids.) What do you expect, to let such small children roam like feral cats and have whatever person who wants to scoop them up and bring them home to raise how they want?
"whatever person who wants to scoop them up and bring them home to raise how they want"
Probably work better than the current foster system.
As someone who has done these type of cases in the past, in my opinion, this system would certainly work far better than the current one.
I'm sure Epstein would love to "scoop" up kids without gov't supervision.
And to be clear, I don't think this is what you suggest.
But maybe a system that is too hands-off, and imposes no controls and no oversight ... is not the best solution either.
So put on a thinking hat: what's the best solution that is not an idealized libertarian "people are always good and well-intentioned" scenario?
"I'm sure Epstein would love to "scoop" up kids without gov't supervision."
Why? Epstein was an insider; the gov't supervision would work to his advantage.
I don’t think this anaysis is completely correct. It focuses only on the foster parents and ignores the possibility that the foster child may be a problem.
I would think a case by case approach that makes an individual finding of dangerousness for a particular child’s placement would be constitutional.
The challenged regulation, however, does not do that. It imposes a blanket rule.
If a foster child is that dangerous, it does not belong in foster care.
obviously each individual case is going to be different, though with some exceptions, children who wind up as orphans or foster care tend to be born from parents who are less stable or have other behavioral problems and the genetics will filter down.
So what's your proposal? Turn damaged and needy kids over to pimps and/or folks like Epstein?
Lock them away to protect society?
Surely you would never be so woke as to suggest vulnerable, abused children should get support services, housing, and therapy?
And maybe a home. But wait, you already said they shouldn't get a stable foster care situation. So you want to lock up needy kids because their parents sucked?
Aside: do you claim to be a Christian?
Define "inoperable."
If it means "not loaded", every gun in my house is -- and is checked to ensure that when it comes into the house.
Or does it have to genuinely rendered inoperable?
Guns and cameras are useless when unloaded.
While the exact definition will be jurisdiction-specific, generally it means 'not immediately able to be put back into operation'. That means either a trigger lock, removal of the firing pin or something equivalent that would significantly slow down and make the misuse of a firearm more deliberate. Merely sliding in a magazine (something designed to be quick and easy) would almost certainly not qualify. Remember that the alleged harm they are trying to 'solve' is a young child finding an unattended gun and shooting a playmate.
I'd also point to the Rule 415 cited above which required "the gun be stored in a locked gun safe or trigger locked, and the ammunition must be stored in a separate locked location" (emphasis added). Merely being unloaded would definitely not qualify as 'inoperable' under that standard.
It means incapable of operating - disabled and/or locked away.
Why not consider the rule an example of prioritizing a foster child's welfare ahead of that of foster parents? What is the chance that a state-qualified foster parent will have emergency need for armed self-defense in the home? Not zero, I suppose. I never heard of it happening, but what do I know?
I know that risk is not commonplace. I would also suspect that anyone who insisted that the risk of dangerous home invasion was high probably also has knowledge of personal risk factors that ought to get skeptical review before putting a child into that person's custody.
Note that I said nothing which implies natural parents do not have a right to keep guns in their home without government supervision. I think the case of foster children is different.
"What is the chance that a state-qualified foster parent will have emergency need for armed self-defense in the home?"
The same as anyone else. Foster kids deserve the same protection as any other kids.
Rabid Animals come to immediate mind.
or perhaps 30-50 feral hogs!
Probably higher than a normal household. There's a reason the kids are in the foster system, and one of those could be that their parents are unstable/violent/etc.
That may well be true of the kid's bio parents, but we're talking about the carefully screened foster parents here.
zEH's point is that the foster parents may need to protect the kids from the bio-parents (or their friends, drug-dealing business associates, pimps, etc). While rare, such possibilities are obviously more likely than in a "normal" household.
Right, I missed that at first, mea culpa.
This is a general case of the 'I live in a super safe neighborhood and don't feel the need for a gun, so no one else needs one either' phenomenon. Some bio-parents are not a danger, some might be. Some people live in safe areas, some don't. Not feeling the need for snow tires in Florida doesn't mean people in Minnesota don't.
Absaroka — That settles nothing. Equality could be delivered either way. If what happens depends on what kids, "deserve," then all kids deserve whichever option is safer for the kids. But, unfortunately in the case of gun rights, that is not the way rights get adjudicated. If the kid is still the ward of the state while in foster care, seems to me the state gets to decide what standard of gun safety the kid gets.
More generally, I think you would have to be obtuse to suppose children in a foster home are more endangered by hypothetical invaders who almost never materialize, than they are by leaving guns around loaded and ready for use. When that happens, the guns are there all the time, for the kids to get their hands on them.
I don't think we need any kind of big study to disclose which is the more dangerous option. But if you think otherwise, we already know you would also oppose doing a study to be certain, one way or the other.
Sigh. No one is suggesting parents, foster or otherwise, leave loaded guns laying around the house for kids to play with, any more than they would leave out drain cleaner or insecticides or medicine or anything else.
And, once again, you have a right to conduct and publish any research you like. So does, for example, Mike Bloomberg, who funds a center with a staff of fifty to crank out research congenial to your worldview. No one - not me, not the NRA, nor anyone else suggests he be forbidden from doing that, as has been explained to you the last N times you have trotted out this nonsense.
Absaroka — You get the same reply you got previously. No one not the federal government has any capacity to conduct such research. To do it you would have to standardize criteria for police investigations nationwide, and at least monitor to see which responders complied. Only the federal government can do that. I think you know that.
But of course, as I predicted, you continue to insist, as if you were a pro-gun extremist, the only means possible to discover information useful to improve government policy necessary for public safety. Without which, the 2A becomes by default a one-way ratchet to deliver armed chaos. That is not a wise choice to make in support of gun rights.
Oh, blather again.
1)Nothing prohibits people who work for the feds to conduct research, or contract for it.
2)Nothing stops anyone from conducting research on a state level, or whatever other level they like, for that matter. Such studies abound, in fact. I get the sense you have a severe allergy to reading any of the available research, because you frequently profess ignorance of things that are well researched.
"No one not the federal government has any capacity to conduct such research that I will accept as valid"
https://crimeresearch.org/
This is a strawman. Nobody "insist[s] that the risk of dangerous home invasion was high probably." It is a very low probability. But like how it is equally a low probability that I might get into an auto accident, I still wear my seat belt each trip.
The appropriate question is whether the risk of keeping a gun in the house for protection outweighs the even smaller risk of an accidental shooting in the home. And, although you don't like it, the current law is that it is a law abiding citizen's constitutional right to make that choice. It simply cannot be the reason someone is denied a government benefit.
wvattorney — Please tell me the answer to a question upon which I am uncertain. What is the customary legal status of children in foster homes. Do they continue as wards of the state, or not? If so, on what legal theory do you assign responsibility for gun safety decisions to the child's non-parent custodian?
Also, the notion that a gun delivers a net safety benefit in the home will at least sometimes be true—but only when the risks of violence the gun can prevent outweigh the risks of having the gun around. With children in the house, and a demand to keep the gun loaded and operable, that condition will almost never be met. If it is met, then the home is too dangerous for the foster placement.
Yes, they are typically still in state custody until adopted.
Let me try it this way. Suppose that the state made it a condition if you wanted to foster parent a child that you must vote Republican in every election. If you have an objection to that, then state it. I imagine that your objection to that would be the same as my objection to the gun law.
That is, you cannot condition the waiver of a constitutional right upon receipt of a government benefit. I understand that you disagree with Heller and the gun rights cases. You believe that keeping guns in the house is a net bad thing, either in this situation or all situations.
But the fact remains that as of the law right now, people have that right. You cannot back door eliminate this, or any other right, in such a manner.
wvattorney13 — Are you really a lawyer? Do you argue cases in court? If so, yikes!
First, a person with a case to make is foolish to presume without reason he knows the motivations of a counter-party. I do not believe keeping guns in the house is a net bad thing. I have kept many guns in my own houses.
And of course your, "vote-Republican," jibe ought to get a serious legal advocate tossed from any judicial forum. Or at least challenged pre-toss to explain why voting otherwise creates a notable hazard to a child living in the house. But I do know and expect that pro-gun extremists will insist on special deference for nonsensical irrelevancies.
If you want to continue to get my attention, try to respond forthrightly, and on topic.
Your idea is to value 'odds' over 'stakes'.
Yes the odds, the probability may be low, but the stakes are HUMAN LIVES if those odds happen to occur, and NO ONE has perfect prescience, so there.
And just to make the point clearer. How many times have we seen neighbors or living victims, when being interviewed by wetf local TV station, say "This sort of thing never happens here!" ?
Miles Fortis — Nope. With me it's always about pot odds—a concept which insists on continuous circumstantial re-evaluation of the relationship between odds and stakes, while both remain in flux.
You are making a pot-odds calculation error. You neglect to notice that in the case mentioned here, the same human life is presumably at stake in both alternative cases. So with that part cancelling out, the only calculations which matter are how the odds change with changes in the circumstances.
In this instance, the pot-odds calculation is a slam dunk. Guns left loaded and ready for use are vastly more dangerous to children in a home than guns unloaded and stored securely.
Are unsecured guns less dangerous than a hypothetical home invader, however motivated? Mostly, it's not even close. Mostly, of course not, because the hypothetical almost never materializes. So the guns remain the greater danger.
But sometimes, depending on circumstances, maybe. What if we have good reason to believe the risk of a dangerous intrusion is unusually high? That means the home is too dangerous to consider as an abode for foster care. Either hazard by itself ought to make that conclusion easy. With both hazards present together, an argument to permit foster care at that location becomes an irresponsible bet against unfavorable odds for fearsome stakes.
zEH was talking about it. Children in the foster system may have a dysfunctional parent wanting to recover the child, or intimidate a potential witness. An unannounced visit from that parent puts the foster parents at risk.
Good point. I hadn't picked up on that angle, apologies to zEH.
Sure, grant that could happen. In what insane frame of reference is it wise to add a gun to what you assume is already a volatile situation? What is the very first priority where there is a volatile situation with a gun involved? Is it, start shooting? Or is it, get the gun out of the situation? Either way, the answer tells you it would have been better if the gun were not there to begin with.
Gun advocates want all decisions made on the basis of a tiny fraction of hypothetical scenarios which best justify gun use. Absent that motivation from the gun advocates themselves, such situations would be less dangerous than they already are. Even an armed, aggressive, and unfit parent, trying illegally to take custody of a child, will become more likely to shoot when someone else brandishes a gun.
“Either way, the answer tells you it would have been better if the gun were not there to begin with"
I disagree. The frame of reference seems insane to you, which is strange because I assume you're an attorney, who would have frequent contact with peace officers, dysfunctional parents, and criminals, as well as with people who have to interact with them.
Aubrey LaVentana — I am not an attorney. I was at one time a journalist, with considerable interactions with peace officers, including at scenes of deadly violence. Among the people who interacted, I have had extensive contacts with EMTs and doctors, as well as others. I have earned by experience a usual journalist's insight into feckless human behavior among all classes. In that respect, my views somewhat resemble those of H.L. Mencken, but without the casual racism typical of his era and location. If I had his talent, I would be more persuasive.
Becoming clearer now. I have more respect for hoi polloi than you.
A firearm in the hands of a common person does not agitate me.
Aubrey LaVentana — Too many assumptions. And maybe unfamiliarity with Mencken? Mencken was a great friend of the hoi polloi, while managing also to distrust fecklessness wherever he found it. He expected to find fecklessness more among the privileged classes than among the others.
I probably follow Mencken on that generally. About guns, fecklessness seems to me about equally distributed among the social classes, and far too common in all of them. I almost never meet anyone proud of his gun knowledge, and confident of his prowess, who does not strike me as dangerously over-confident.
I have known a lot of people with years-long practical gun expertise, ranging from combat infantry to back-country Elk hunting guides. One thread that ties those folks together in my observation is notably reduced confidence about gun safety, and cautiousness almost to the point of aversion about being around gun toting others they do not know well.
I think those are lessons practical outdoor gun handling experience teaches, which time spent practicing in gun ranges tends to obscure. A lot of the pro-gun commentary on this blog seems to come from folks who have never used a gun to kill anything. I do not trust that kind of commentary as a source of wise insight into gun management policy.
"I have known a lot of people with years-long practical gun expertise, ranging from combat infantry to back-country Elk hunting guides."
And yet, if they were foster parents, you wouldn't trust them.
"those are lessons practical outdoor gun handling experience teaches, which time spent practicing in gun ranges tends to obscure"
Kindly attend and successfully complete NRA's courses in Basic Pistol, Personal Protection in the Home, and Personal Protection Outside the Home, then reexamine your biases.
"(Mencken) expected to find fecklessness more among the privileged classes than among the others." The same privileged classes who write and interpret laws for us hayseeds, you mean?
There are various devices which render a firearm inaccessible to unauthorized occupants, yet quickly allow the loaded weapon to be produced for self defense. Biometric safes, combination or keyed trigger locks, etc. Most responsible gun owners have trusted solutions to keeping a firearm safe AND ready.
Most responsible gun owners have trusted solutions to keeping a firearm safe AND ready.
grifhunter — Which seems to be a different premise than the one discussed in the OP. My objection is to practices which keep the guns loaded and ready to hand, without further means to assure they remain inaccessible to children.
Only because of experience conversing with extremist gun advocates am I not surprised to find them advocating for loaded guns and no mandatory safety measures. They mostly know better. Their own practices would usually recognize a need for safe gun storage with kids around. And unfortunately, extremist gun advocates are, as a whole, more responsible gun custodians than a considerable feckless minority among the gun-toting public.
What extremist gun advocates object to is making mandatory what they think wise. They worry that concedes a camel's nose in the tent of perfectly unfettered gun liberty. But only pro-gun extremists, a small minority among the populace, prize perfectly unfettered gun liberty. A vast majority favor at least slightly-fettered gun liberty. The feckless minority do not give these issues any thought.
As this discussion shows, extremist gun advocates are so steadfastly committed to extremist principles that they are willing needlessly to endanger children to prioritize the principles.
That amounts to Charlie Kirk's obscene advocacy: that even preventable human sacrifice in the cause of gun liberty is reasonable and necessary. The principle Kirk died advocating was a gift to the cause of reason in gun management policy. It put openly what many of Kirk's extremist allies wanted to believe, but were unwilling to be seen expressing publicly.
The political impact of mass killings is cumulative. It is only a matter of time before adherence to Charlie Kirk's doctrines delivers a few too many mass killings, and mass killings too deadly, or too politically disruptive. At that point, political tolerance among a general public which values both safety and reason will turn against a gun extremist minority.
How far the resulting judicial backlash goes then will depend at least notably on how reasonably that vocal minority of extremist gun advocates have behaved before the breaking point. Negotiating now would prove wiser than reliance on brandishing guns later, against a changed political reality, against Supreme Court decisions not to your liking, and against a national administration with a mandate to rein in guns.
In such a scenario, extremists like to imagine a violent crisis their guns can control. That will not happen. The extremists are too small a minority for that. And at the moment of crisis, they will be a discredited minority.
Instead, there will be majoritarian gradualist policies, chosen to avert crisis. Those will be applied steadily, to unwind over an extended interval a public policy problem which took decades to go so far wrong. Most of the public will approve. Extremist gun advocates will lose. Not many will sympathize with their pain, because a vast majority will feel only relief.
Your are strawmanning. 2A absolutists in my circle do not reject gun safety, as far as it concerns protecting unauthorized users from their guns. Look at any gun buff magazines, gun manufacturers' product inserts, and gun club publications, which universally advise securing weapons when not in immediate possession.
The problem is most politicians mandating gun storage laws are ignorant gun phobes who can't stand private citizens defending themselves and desire to make it impractical, by requiring guns to be "locked up" (in situations where no kids are around) period. No account is taken for the need for instant access to an arm, and the right to self preservation.
NO gun lock device is 100%, and responsible gun owners additionally educate their young people on gun safety and mechanics, and go to extremes to eliminate their curiosity.
There will be failures by negligent gun owners, and a civil lawsuit awaiting those who neglect their responsibility. But these tragedies are an aberration, and are not grounds for destroying a civil right.
Regarding the publics tolerances, the public, especially the leftist public, has proven itself highly tolerant of feral urban males shooting each other over drug turf and respect. Doubt that "most of the public" is backlashing; quite the contrary. The left's violent rhetoric and crime control is "racist" policies scare middle America even further towards self defense mindsets.
"In what insane frame of reference is it wise to add a gun to what you assume is already a volatile situation?"
So much depends upon who "adds" a gun---the homeowner and foster parent minding her own business, or the agitated bioparent. That's one difference between reasonable and prudent on one hand, and insane on the other.
Your choice of verb also suggests that you see human interactions as little more than recipes, with only certain outcomes possible from certain input ingredients. Your experience, filtered through ER docs, EMTs, and peace officers, won't let you see this issue any other way.
You're blindered.