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Perils of the Pentagon's Plan to Use Military Lawyers to Adjudicate Immigration Cases
The plan is illegal for multiple reasons, is likely to lead to poor decisions, and could undermine military readiness.

The Pentagon is planning to divert up to 600 military lawyers (known as "JAGs" - members of the Judge Advocate General's corps) to serve as temporary immigration judges. The idea is to dispose of immigration cases faster. As Samantha Michaels explains in a helpful Mother Jones article, this is illegal, and is likely to lead to poor decisions in immigration cases, given that most JAG lawyers lack relevant expertise:
The Trump administration has decided to get more immigration judges from an unprecedented source: the military.
On Tuesday, the Associated Press reported that the Pentagon plans to send up to 600 military lawyers to the Justice Department to temporarily run immigration courts around the country. Some of them could receive their new assignments as early as next week.
The arrangement would help the Trump administration tackle a backlog of immigration cases. But military lawyers have little or no experience with immigration law. And some former military lawyers worry the plan isn't even legal. It "should raise all sorts of alarms," Daniel Maurer, a former Army attorney who also taught law at West Point, told me recently.
I spoke with Maurer in July, after President Trump first hinted that he'd be open to the idea of deploying military attorneys—known as Judge Advocate Generals, or JAGs—as immigration judges in Florida. That idea, floated by Gov. Ron DeSantis, hadn't yet come to fruition. "There is no clear precedent for what DeSantis and the president are doing," Mark Nevitt, a law professor at Emory University who served as a Navy JAG, told me at the time.
"This would be unlawful," added Rachel VanLandingham, a professor at Southwestern Law School in Los Angeles who was an Air Force JAG.
In particular, VanLandingham said, turning military lawyers into immigration judges would likely violate the Posse Comitatus Act, a federal law that bars US troops from participating in civilian law enforcement or "executing the laws," unless otherwise authorized to do so by the Constitution or Congress. It's "frightening," VanLandingham said of the plan, because "the use of military courts to hear civilian cases is the essential component of martial law."
Current and former JAG lawyers have suggested to me that this move could also undermine military readiness, and impair the military justice system. The 600 JAGs the Pentagon may reassign to this function are a substantial proportion of the armed forces' total of 7300 JAG lawyers. JAGs serving as immigration judges are obviously not performing their regular functions, and those functions may end up getting neglected.
I would add that there is a more fundamental constitutional problem here: migrants threatened with detention or deportation - like others threatened with severe deprivations of liberty by the government - should have their cases adjudicated by impartial, neutral judges, not people subject to removal and other discipline by the very executive branch authority that filed the case against them. I think most military lawyers would strive hard to be fair, and I have great respect for the JAGs I have met over the years, including a number of my former students. But the threat of retaliation for decisions the administration doesn't like creates a dangerous incentive structure.
Sadly, this problem is not limited to JAGs who may potentially act as immigration judges. Even in normal times, many immigration cases are heard to by executive branch "judges" subject to removal by the Justice Department. Earlier this year, Trump fired numerous executive-branch immigration judges who the administration believed were not on board with its draconian deportation agenda.
The Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment mandates that government cannot deprive people of life, liberty, or property without due process. Detention and deportation are obvious severe deprivations of liberty. And there is no exemption for immigrants or non-citizens. During the Founding era, it was generally understood that the Due Process Clause applies even to non-US citizen pirates captured in international waters. If so, it also applies to migrants within the US.
Adjudication by an official subject to being fired or disciplined for making decisions the executive doesn't like is obviously inimical to due process - whether the "judge" is a military JAG officer or a civilian executive branch employee. As the Supreme Court put it in Marshall v. Jerrico (1980), "[t]he Due Process Clause entitles a person to an impartial and disinterested tribunal in both civil and criminal cases. This requirement of neutrality in adjudicative proceedings safeguards the two central concerns of procedural due process, the prevention of unjustified or mistaken deprivations and the promotion of participation and dialogue by affected individuals in the decisionmaking process." A judge under the control of the executive cannot be genuinely "impartial and disinterested," since he or she has an obvious interest in catering to the preferences of superiors.
Conservatives readily see this problem in areas outside the immigration context, as when executive-branch agencies adjudicate civil penalties for violations of economic regulations. In such cases, they rightly argue there are violations of due process, and of the Seventh Amendment's guarantee of a jury trial in civil cases where significant penalties are at stake. Immigration detention and deportation imperil liberty and property rights at least as much as any economic regulation, and often much more.
Unfortunately, due process is one of a number of areas where the courts have allowed double standards under which immigration restrictions are to a large extent exempt from constitutional restraints that apply to all other government policies. That double standard should be ended. The administration's plan to use military JAGs as immigration judges is a particularly egregious tip of a much larger iceberg.
UPDATE: I have made a few additions to this post.
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Give the JAGs guns and have them patrol the streets of Chicago.
You probably think that was a funny sarcastic comment but Marine Corpse JAGs go through the same OCS, TBS( officially “The Basic School” but better known as “The Big Suck, Taxes Being Squandered….) as every other Officer(yes Virginia, even Pilots) which means they can pop you a 5.56mm Asshole on your forehead from 600 meters, then cut out your heart, liver and lungs and survive on them for weeks (while they make Jerky out of the rest of you)
Frank
Remember Judge Dredd?
delete
Current and former JAG lawyers have suggested to me that this move could also undermine military readiness, and impair the military justice system. The 600 JAGs the Pentagon may reassign to this function are a substantial proportion of the armed forces' total of 7300 JAG lawyers. JAGs serving as immigration judges are obviously not performing their regular functions, and those functions may end up getting neglected.
This is beyond concerning, it's positively unbelievable. How can the US possibly be ready for war with only 7300 JAG lawyers on the rolls ?
Just out of interest, how many did we have in 1944 ? AI produces answers of 400 or 1,000. Whatever the exact number, it's no surprise that we weren't ready to launch D-Day until 1949.
Even by the standards of "Ilya will say anything to surrender America to the third world," this one was a real howler and you beat me to mocking it. My god, the military will now only have 6700 JAG lawyers instead of 7300. Don't publicize this concerning gap, just imagine what a foreign hostile power could do if they knew we only had 6700 available JAG lawyers instead of the normal 7300.
Yes, Somin's Marxist anti-Americanism in action.
Deport Ilya!
What total nonsense that military lawyers are inferior to the status quo in immigration courts. Ilya will say or do anything to fulfill his insane obsession to establish unrestricted immigration by destroying any legal opposition to it.
It's more than nonsense it is out right lies !!!
1) Using 'migrant' instead of 'illegal alien'
2) Due process in these cases of immigration adheres to Immigration Law, not the 5th amendment or any others
Um, whether they are “illegal aliens” is precisely what has to be determined. And your second comment is nonsensical.
There's seldom a serious question about whether they entered or remained in the US illegally. The typical question is whether they have some legitimate basis for claiming asylum, and most often this is only a serious question when applying the laughably low, revisionist bar for asylum that leftists and other open-border fanatics advocate.
David, you have "nonsensical" tattooed on your forehead.
I think you've mistaken a mirror for David.
I think you've mistaken yourself for David's fluffer.
The 5A applies to everyone no matter immigration status. But immigration courts are civil courts, so 5A would not be at play anyhow.
Are you arguing that the government can deprive someone of life, liberty, or property with due process of law, so long as they don't use a criminal court to do it?
Life and liberty no, property yes.
The right to parenthood is a "liberty" and the government can not deprive a person of it without due process of law.
There is a heightened scrutiny test in place. The government doesn't have the power to terminate parenthood in a family court without due process of law.
That's one of several major reasons that MollyGodiva is not a serious commenter.
Article II courts most still provide defendants with due process, it's just that the degree and type of process is not identical to criminal trials in Article III courts. See, among others, Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004), or Mathews v. Eldridge, 424 U.S. 319 (1976) for administrative decisions that are not in an Article II court.
And of course see Obama's drone assassination program to deprive US citizens and others of life without any Article III proceedings, criminal or otherwise.
Strawman.
Not at all. It takes a special kind of idiot to claim that "5A would not be at play anyhow" in either civil cases or administrative law courts.
A lot of talk about the illegal method Trump has suggested using for solving the problem which exploded under the Biden administration.
Word got out pretty quickly that the Biden administration was going to lax on illegal immigration.
I think this is much better than letting cases stack up and illegals in limbo which people like Somin would also complain about and whine about how inhumane it was.
First year in the Navy, serving as “Battalion Surgeon”(Yes, Queenie, a Battalion “Surgeon” isn’t really a Surgeon, just like “Flight Surgery” isn’t doing Surgery while Flying) with a Marine Corpse Infantry Battalion
We also had a Battalion Chaplain (Navy) and a Battalion Legal Officer (a Marine) who I assumed was an Attorney.
I remember thinking, man this guy is an Idiot, all he ever says is how many Marines had disciplinary action the last week and how many didn’t have Wills.
Turns out the “Legal Officer” was just an Infantry 1st Louie who was assigned the job as a “Collateral Duty” all the actual Attorneys were at the Division Headquarters.
Frink
Since when has "illegal" stopped Trump?
When did it stop Barry Osama, or Sleepy Joe?
All the time. The number of accusations regarding Obama and Biden don't even beat one week with Trump.
A "draconian deportation agenda" is no worse than a border that is so insecure that a million or more people have crossed it in the last few years under the auspices of a failed President and administration...besides this is based upon immigration laws not some touchy feely liberal who writes on a blog.
Being draconian is bad.
Being a denialist is bad.
Being an open borders fanatic is bad.
Hear! Hear!
If the concern is for due process, then getting additional judges to help move that process along would of course be a good thing.
I'd like to hear more about how these judges' impartiality is already assured. I very much doubt that servicemen have to worry about this issue in the military courts.
It is not due process if the judges do not know the law.
Have you any evidence that they "won't know the law"? What is your basis for thinking they won't be trained?
Ignorance of the law is no excuse ... for civilians. For government employees, it's just another day of QI and AI.
"Adjudication by an official subject to being fired or disciplined for making decisions the executive doesn't like is obviously inimical to due process"
Welcome to the world of administrative law judges. We've had them for decades.
Very skeptical of the arguments this is illegal. Regardless, the administration should go forward, deport anybody who needs to be deported, and then litigation can decide this after the fact. To the extent invaders want to challenge their deportation on these grounds, they can do so from their home country (or some third country) rather than from here.
Without a due process hearing how do you know who needs to be deported?
? The point of the judges being borrowed from JAG is to give them a hearing. There's your due process. Until such time as a court issues a final and non-appealable ruling that there's some legal defect with such appointments, then the government should start deporting anybody found deportable after such a hearing. The legal arguments against this are a real stretch. JAGs are also smart men and ladies, they can get caught up on immigration law pretty quickly. The complaints about "DUE PROCESS" come entirely from people using it as a smokescreen, they want open borders and will claim that no process is ever good enough.
But the deportation hearing IS the process to which they are due. Honestly, I don't understand this objection at all. What other process are you thinking is available to them?
DaveM — Depends. What's at stake?
Are you talking about lifetime confinement without appeal, in a foreign torture prison, in some country where the detainee has never been even resident? Then I think due process ought to begin with a full Article III trial. Which, in turn, would rely on a presumption that no such outcome is encompassed by due process.
I think the notion of immigration judges running a bureaucratic system of parallel justice is sketchy at best. Maybe justifiable for cases limited to instances where there is no pending claim for asylum, and the outcome is limited to returning the detainee to his own former country to be released without further consequence.
Do you count yourself among those who think bureaucrats in America ought to be empowered to destroy the lives of would-be immigrants, based on arbitrary orders from the bureaucrats' superiors?
Mother Jones? Before long, Somin, the "libertarian" who regularly parrots 95% of leftist talking points, will be citing The Daily Worker.
In particular, VanLandingham said, turning military lawyers into immigration judges would likely violate the Posse Comitatus Act, a federal law that bars US troops from participating in civilian law enforcement or "executing the laws," unless otherwise authorized to do so by the Constitution or Congress.
And, of course, this is "authorized by Congress". A 1983 OLC opinion suggested that the practice of using JAG officers to prosecute civilians who committed crimes on military bases was not authorized by Congress. So, Congress addressed this in the Department of Defense Authorization Act of 1984. In Section 1002, it specifically listed the "civil offices" a JAG officer may not hold or exercise: (1) elective offices, (2) those requiring presidential appointment and the advice and consent of the Senate, and (3) positions in the Executive Schedule under sections 5312 through 5317 of title 5. It then explicitly states they may hold or exercise any other civil office "when assigned or detailed to that office or to perform those functions."
1983 OLC Opinion: https://www.justice.gov/usdoj-media/olc/media/894271/dl?inline
Department of Defense Authorization Act of 1984: https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/98/s675/text
Posse Comitatus Act is a specific prohibition. The law you quoted is general. When in conflict specific wins. Also OLC opinions mean squat.
Um, what? You have it exactly backwards. The Posse Comitatus Act is the general and earlier statute, while the Department of Defense Authorization Act of 1984 is the specific and later law.
All the Posse Comitatus Act says is that the military cannot engage in domestic law enforcement unless it is allowed by the Constitution or an Act of Congress, which it is in this case. Whether or not it is good policy is a different question, but it is definitely not "illegal".
"Also OLC opinions mean squat."
They matter infinitely more than you opinions."
What part of if you are illegally in the country you aren't going to stay don't you get?
I don't get the part about presuming that outcome before legal process determines it on an individualized basis. And I am baffled about any contention that a bureaucrat posing as a judge gets to determine what process is due, unless facts particular to the detainee make it evident that no valid claim of citizenship, legal residency, prejudice against expressive freedom, or for asylum, remains an unresolved factor in the case.
If that means the immigration system is doomed to bog down for want of judges to decide cases, then Congress can create more Article III judgeships to relieve the backlog.
I think the main structural constitutional problem is that Congress, and only Congress, creates offices and assigns their roles. The President can fill the roles created by Congress. But Congress is not the passive Board of Directors of the corporate world. Nor does the President have the powers of a corporate CEO with power to reorganize as he sees fit.
The Supreme Court has held that immigrants are entitled to some process. But what process is sufficient is another question. The Court has often considered significantly less process to be sufficient in the immigration context. In the Japanese Immigrant Case, the officer involved wasn’t protected from removal.
There is another issue Professor Somin didn’t address. Under the Unitary Executive Theory’s most stringent interpretation, NO member of the executive branch can be insulated from Presidential dismissal. Yet the Court has long considered immigration to be a uniquely executive function and has repeatedly said that providing for any judicial review at all is essentially an act of legislative grace. The Court recently held, in Bouarfa v. Mayorkas, that Congress can make Executive findings of fact in visa revocation decisions not only not judicially reviewable but not subject to to a hearing requirement or an opportunity to present contrary evidence of any kind.
I think Professor Somin needs to engage with the Court’s jurisprudence. He can disagree with the Court, of course. But offering his own view of things based on his own view of constitutional text and history completely free of any relationship to the actual state of the law in terms of court decisions and what someone facing a proceeding can actually realistically expect to be able to argue is not exactly a helpful way for a law professor to proceed.
One might as well right an essay insisting that only gold and silver specie be legal tender, or that Congress can’t legislate about intrastate matters such as employment conditions. The approach Professor Somin has taken could be equally well applied to these topics. And as these topics illustrate, Constitutional text and 18th century history by themselves not only aren’t very helpful if one wants to understand people’s actual legal rights and responsibilities and what they can actually realistically expect, they aren’t helpful in crafting an argument that has a realistic chance of acceptance in a modern court.
Professor Somin acknowledges that courts have allowed what he calls “double standards.” The problem is courts have similar “double standards” for, say, parking tickets vs. capital cases.
People have a fundamental right not to be executed. But no foreigner has a fundamental right to be in this country. Professor Somin’s refusal to acknowledge this basic fact blinds him and prevents him from offering arguments that are even slightly relevant to the legal regime we are in and might have a chance of being helpful. To be permitted to enter this country is to receive a benefit one is not ordinarily entitled to. Unlike welfare benefits for citizens, which are entitlements, eligibility for this benefit is not an entitlement, and can be a matter of grace which need not be rule-bound. Thus the appropriate level of process is even less than for receiving a welfare benefit. To compare it to the process due for a traditionally capital crime like piracy is simply absurd.
People have a fundamental right not to be executed. But no foreigner has a fundamental right to be in this country.
Do you not see the circularity here? Here is your argument on deportation applied to execution, with the relevant parts highlighted.
1. No capital murderer has a fundamental right not to be executed.
2. Since no fundamental right is involved, the appropriate level of process involved is much less.
3. Therefore, we can execute people after a brief hearing by a JAG.
Or how about this:
1. Every citizen has a fundamental right to be in this country.
2. Since that is a fundamental right, citizens are entitled to maximum due process before being deported.
3. A brief hearing before a JAG is not maximum due process.
Due process is not a discretionary award for being a non-murderer or a citizen. It is to determine whether you are a non-murderer or a citizen. When you deny due process on the basis that someone is illegally here, you are assuming the result
It may have used circular reasoning in doing so. But the Supreme Court has repeatedly required more process for a capital case than an ordinary criminal trial (e.g. separate guilt and sentencing hearings), and hasrepeatedly said that hearings for things like welfare benefits can be administrative and less formal than criminal trials. It has similarly allowed informal administrative hearings in immigration cases.
The distinction is a simple statement of fact, about how the world we live in is.. It is based on observation. not on argument of logic of any kind. The way the world is doesn’t always conform to our mind’s sense of how it rationally ought to be. You are entitled to find this to he one of the situations where it doesn’t.
A person who has a colorable claim to be a citizen is in a different category and gets a different level of process, because citizenship IS a fundamental right. While it happens that people subject to deportation claim to be citizens, it doesn’t haen very often.
citizenship IS a fundamental right
Perhaps you meant citizens have a fundamental right to live here. Lots of people don't have citizenship, and lots of commenters here believe citizenship is subject to unreviewable executive order, which doesn't seem very fundamental at all.
A person who has a colorable claim to be a citizen
I'd like to hear what a reasonable person like yourself thinks is "colorable". If all it takes is saying "I am a US citizen because..." followed by a claim of birth, parentage, or naturalization, and instantly you get shifted to an Article III court to hear the claim with all the 5th and 6th Amendment trimmings, then I'm fine with that.
But if the claim gets filtered by a "judge" under orders to support the president's goal of more deportations, who gets to make a subjective decision based on his personal ideals of what an American ought to look and sound like, supplemented by fear of being fired and knowledge of the daily numerical targets ...no, not good enough.
ReaderY — I think you are begging Somin's question. Implicit in his advocacy is a question what outcomes ought to be among those with realistic chances of acceptance in a modern court. You seem to be saying, "Screw that question, Trump gets to tell you the answer."
I don't think Trump ought to have that power. I remain unpersuaded that anything in the nation's judicial or administrative history could have properly bestowed any such power on a U.S. president. To think otherwise seems demonstrably to suppose Trump gets to deport birthright citizens if he wants to do it.
That’s not what I’m saying at all.
However, as a constitutional matter, Congress COULD very likely give the President something approaching this level of discretion. And on some matters, it has.
The basic issue is that immigration is a foreign policy matter, and Congress has broad power to bestow authority and discretion on the President in foreign policy matters. It doesn’t have to. But it can. Presidents Obama and Biden used this discretion to bestow broad amnesties on classes of immigrants.
There is a minimum fundamental fairness in any hearing on anything. But immigration hearings by people with no claim to be citizens probably get something close to, or at, the minimum.
On what basis presume immigration to be a foreign policy matter. Is that in the Constitution, or in law? Seems like to be an immigrant you have to live here. Whatever results for good or for ill will happen here. That looks to me like a proper jurisdiction for domestic policy.
I am at a loss to even imagine what foreign policy could do to affect immigration outcomes. Once would-be immigrants cross their native borders, they are outside the jurisdiction of their native nation, and only unpredictably under any jurisdiction except that of the U.S. when they arrive.
Under the current administration's view, the most important agency for foreign policy is the Department of Homeland Security.
And to answer your question: it's foreign policy because labeling it that way maximizes deference to the president. Just likes it's labeled an invasion, because invasions trigger extra authority.
Recall that the department was established after 9/11, which was at least a predatory incursion if not an invasion, to provide an organization focused on repelling future such actions. The labels Congress gives government agencies simply don’t reflect their or the Executive’s constitutional powers.
If Congress changed the label tomorrow, would you still object?
Of course I'd still object. I was merely answering Stephen's question of why words like foreign policy and invasion are invoked.
A simple example is the Alien Enemy Act. If this country goes to war with a country, it can disadvantage that country’s citizens, even lock them up, regardless of what they’ve individually done.
But war is not the only way to deal with a country we don’t like. So long as Congress approves, this country can impose tarriffs, blockades, prohibit its aircraft from flying over this country, any number of tools short of war to express its displeasure. Prohibiting the country’s citizens from entering and kicking out those who are here is simply one of those tools.
My objections to Trunp’s attempts to invoke the AEA have been statutory. Congress did not grant Trunp the powers it did. But if it passed a properly worded statute, it COULD grant the President those powers. As the 5th Circuit noted, the long-expired Alien Friends Act did exactly that. If Congress chose to repass the Alien Friends Act as originally worded, it would be constitutional in at least most of its applications.
All decisions to let an immigrant enter or kick one out are foreign policy decisions, or at least potentially are. They can be based entirely on our attitude towards the country they came from and need have nothing to do with them individually.
If this country goes to war with a country, it can disadvantage that country’s citizens, even lock them up, regardless of what they’ve individually done.
Actually, I don't see that precise formulation anywhere in the Constitution. I do see some lines about all persons having equal protection under the law, and no person being denied due process.
Before everyone starts screaming, yes, I understand there is such a thing as war, and I understand that the authors of the 14th Amendment couldn't possibly have intended to grant enemy soldiers a jury trial before we lock them up in a POW camp. But (a) you can't really claim the president's war powers are laid out in detail by the Constitution, (b) the 10th Amendment rules out the idea that he has powers by default, and (c) Congress hasn't declared a war.
Also, it’s difficult to answer a question like this. You might, for example, be equally at a losts to imagine any reason why provincial governors shouldn’t be appointed by the President and why provincial laws can’t always be vetoed or overridden by the national legislature as is the case in most countries, or why federal judges shouldn’t be elected, why there should be an Electoral Cllege for the President, or why Congress should have two houses with different forms of representation.
The basic answer is that this is the constitutional framework the Founders set up. While I can sometimes articulate reasons why they did so, the fact of the matter is they did. Objecting to the framework won’t change it. Coming up with better arguments why it shouldn’t be so won’t change it. I didn’t set it up. In fact, in some cases I wish the Framers had done things differently. But this is the way it is. External reality in no way depends on your imaginative capacity. Things are what they are whether you can imagine them or not.
Stephen can speak for himself, but I think you misunderstood his question.
The things you listed are in the written constitution: Electoral College, appointed judges, bicameral Congress.
Stephen and I can't find any place where it says "immigration is under foreign policy and therefore the president has heightened powers". If you care to point us to an article and clause where it indisputably says that, please do. I suggest somebody came up with that part later.
You can say that somebody is aggressively grabby presidents, aided by a feckless Congress and a compliant SC, and that the constitution allows fecklessness and compliance. But I strongly dispute your claim that presidential supremacy over immigration is "the constitutional framework the Founders set up".
Most of the article's objections are silly, especially with regard to knowledge of the law (note that even Justice Jackson doesn't understand the Judiciary Act of 1789,) and "readiness." But the issue of impartiality, along with separation of powers, deserves more consideration. I have to agree with the conservatives that neither legislative nor judicial power lies within the Executive Branch. I do not say that to impugn the integrity of judges within the Armed Forces, to oversee cases related to the UCMJ. But it does raise the issue of whether anyone who finds themselves on this side of the border, including arriving at an airport, can make a claim to an Article III court's time and attention, as opposed to an administrative determination from an Immigration tribunal: no visa or other valid reason to enter the country, therefore turn around and goodbye.
Of course, that issue becomes more complicated for those of long-standing residence on the US. There, I think, we do want a fuller process, even if needs to be a streamlined one, to determine that no right to residence applies. And that solution belongs with Congress.
William, suppose that President Payback, freshly inaugurated in 2029, decides to teach you a lesson by deporting you using a "streamlined" process.
1. His new DoJ says you are here illegally. Should you be allowed time and communication opportunities to have someone not in jail (like you will be) get your documents? Should you be able compel the state records department to produce your birth certificate?
2. His new DoJ says your documents are fake. Should you be allowed to contest that? How about call witnesses to back up your documents?
3. His new JAG says yeah, I don't care about your witnesses. My duty is to obey my commander-in-chief and he has determined in writing that you are a deportable alien. Is this fine, or should the hearing be conducted by someone not subject to President Payback's orders?
I assume you'd expect to have some reasonable way to get your evidence together, including subpoenas and discovery, to call witnesses, and to have an impartial judge who can't been ordered to find you guilty. Well, that's most of an Article III trial right there.
Quod licet Iovi non licet bovi. The whole underlying philosophy of Trumpism (and parts of the rest of politics) is that there should be different rules for the people they like than for the people they don't.
The problem with your argument is that while people with a colorable claim to be citizens are entitled to an enhanced process — citizenship is a fundamental right- in most immigration hearings there is no claim to be a citizen. Indeed, in many there is not even a claim not to be deportable. They often involve claims that e.g. they ought to have an opportunity to petition the attorney general to exercise discretion or the attorney general did not consider all the relevant facts in denying them discretionary clemency.
If the moon was made of cheese, then slippery slopes wouldn't be nonsense.
Of course, the old saw about members of the military following the laws and the constitution are nonsense. American soldiers are no less prone to back dictatorship than any others.
It's high time that the Department for War makes a real contribution to repelling the invasion that is plaguing the United States!
Agreed!
Well done you.
I can't say that I'm comfortable with the very existence of non-Article 3 judges, although the military were a traditional exception. So my tendency would be to think that immigration cases needed Article 3 judges.
But they've been using Article 2 'judges' for 70 years or so for immigration cases, has the Supreme court ever ruled on the constitutionality of that? Because once you clear THAT hurdle, frankly, I find the rest of Somin's reasoning unpersuasive.
Nishimura Ekiu v. United States, 142 U.S. 651 (1892) and Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U.S. 698 (1893) seem pretty on point, although they predate "immigration judge" as a job descriptor.
Ilya received a massive rebuke from the Supreme Court this morning regarding the restrictions on Los Angeles immigration raids ordered by a federal judge.
How long before Ilya posts his rant denouncing SCOTUS? What a gas that will be to read.