The Volokh Conspiracy
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New in Civitas Outlook: "The Failed Lower Court Revolt"
Civitas Outlook has published my new essay, titled The Failed Lower Court Revolt. Here is the introduction:
Shortly before President Trump began his second term, Chief Justice John Roberts issued a not-too-subtle warning: the incoming administration might ignore Supreme Court rulings. Roberts was right that the high court's ruling would be discarded, but Trump is not to blame. Indeed, the Trump Administration stated in absolute terms that it would follow every facet of Supreme Court decisions. For better or worse, Trump has tied his fate to the Nine.
Rather, we are witnessing a remarkable shift in the lower courts. Federal judges on the East and West Coasts–not in flyover country–are blocking nearly every action taken by the Trump Administration. In some cases, judges are issuing emergency orders within hours, without even reading all the briefs. And through procedural rules, they can insulate their rulings from any appeal for up to a month. Due to forum shopping, federal courts of appeals within driving distance of an ocean invariably affirm these orders.
The Trump Administration has only one possible recourse: the United States Supreme Court. Much has been written about the so-called "shadow" or emergency docket. But the simple truth is that unless the Supreme Court intervenes at an early point–what Justice Brett Kavanaugh calls the "interim before the interim"–inferior court judges will basically have the final say over executive power. And to be clear, it is the Constitution that calls them "inferior" judges. Inferior courts sit below the United States Supreme Court. The Supreme Court has declared that "[U]nless we wish anarchy to prevail within the federal judicial system, a precedent of this Court must be followed by the lower federal courts no matter how misguided the judges of those courts may think it to be." Yet, in the view of a majority of the Supreme Court, anarchy by the inferior courts is reigning supreme.
I talk about three lines of cases where the Supreme Court was forced to promptly, and sharply, rebuke lower courts that were out of line. I conclude:
Perhaps we can make an addendum to this concept of the presumption of regularity. No President can actually lose this presumption. This deference is afforded to the President by virtue of his victory in the election; nothing his administration says or does can affect that presumption. But federal judges lack any such accountability. I think the Supreme Court is telling lower federal judges–especially in Boston–that they have lost the presumption of judicial regularity. And so long as they issue rulings that do not faithfully follow precedent, the Supreme Court will feel compelled to intervene on the emergency docket. As Justice Gorsuch explained, "Lower court judges may sometimes disagree with this Court's decisions, but they are never free to defy them."
We should be grateful that the Supreme Court stopped this failed lower court revolt. Chief Justice Roberts seems partially committed to this cause. He joined the majority in D.V.D. and Boyle, but not in NIH. I think the Chief Justice should worry far more about a revolt from the lower courts than resistance from Trump.
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Silly me, not being a lawyer. I would have naively thought a presumption of regularity would depend on a pattern of behaving with regularity.
Right, if someone who is behaving irregularity gets the assumption of regularity, it's not the assumption of regularity, it's just deference to the state as a privileged actor. There are a great many legal systems in the world that actually do bake in deference to the state (in Japan, for instance, courts essentially rubber-stamp prosecutors cases, but prosecutors are expected by custom to apply greater discretion as to which cases to prosecute than in most jurisdictions).
Well, you'd be wrong. The presumption of regularity is like the presumption of innocence: No matter how many times you've been convicted of crimes, the next time you're charged you're STILL presumed innocent until proven guilty.
It's a fixed rule as to which side bears the burden of proof.
The legislature actually gets an even stronger presumption of regularity, the "enrolled bill doctrine", where the presumption is insurmountable, the judiciary will simply refuse to look at any evidence of irregularity.
Well, you'd be wrong. The presumption of regularity is like the presumption of innocence: No matter how many times you've been convicted of crimes, the next time you're charged you're STILL presumed innocent until proven guilty.
When someone is proven guilty of a crime, they receive a sentence that is meant to punish and/or correct their misbehavior. When the President, Congress, or SCOTUS violate "regularity", but are then not punished for it, their behavior is not corrected and there is no incentive to start acting with regularity. It then becomes stupid to continue to presume regularity.
It's a fixed rule as to which side bears the burden of proof.
Keeping it as a "fixed rule" when you have seen it broken again and again and again reminds me of the definition of insanity.
Hey, you might WANT a system under which, once a President is adjudicated to have done something wrong, he forfeits some of his office's powers. But you're not living in a country with that system.
I know you aren't a lawyer, nor am I. Is that how the presumption of regularity actually works? It is omnipresent at the beginning of every case like presumption of innocence? The judge cannot weigh past actions by the same government official to determine if the presumption applies?
I believe that IS how it has worked, and for basic constitutional reasons, that's how it has to work.
The power to say a President can't exercise powers of his office is, essentially, the power of impeachment. That power is reserved to the Legislature, and is all or nothing in its operation.
To deprive a President of the presumption of regularity amounts to partially impeaching him, something neither the judiciary nor the legislature are authorized to do. For the judiciary to say, "We're going to assume you're acting illegitimately in this area until proven otherwise." just is not consistent with the distribution of powers in the Constitution.
You believe!
Purposivist analysis is pretty different between the two policies.
Why do you think your beliefs have any validity? You hadn't even heard of the presumption of regularity until Blackman started blathering about it a few months ago.
This has nothing to do with the president exercising powers of his office. You're embarrassingly confused. (You might want to look up petitio principii in the dictionary.)
It’s odd to see a professed libertarian defending a presumption of regularity to the federal executive.
It's odd to see a professed libertarian who realizes he doesn't live in a libertarian society with a libertarian legal tradition, or a Constitution that enacts Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia?
It's possible to imagine a constitutional system where, with suitable safeguards against judicial abuse, of course, Presidents lost the presumption of regularity as regards to a particular topic as a result of being adjudicated as behaving badly in a given area. Ours isn't that system.
Attempting to warp it into such a system, while omitting those safeguards against judicial abuse, is just a different way of having things go wrong, not an alternative to things going wrong.
What on earth are you talking about? You can scour the U.S. constitution down to the microdetail, even revealing the hidden instructions on the back of the parchment written in invisible ink, and you will not find anything about our "system" having a "presumption of regularity." It's just a made up thing.
What you describe is not libertarian; it's utopian.
Utopians, if they can't get their whole loaf, are fine with just being destructive nihilists.
I don't think that's you; you just rationalize whatever outcome you want. Sometimes via nihilism. This time you landed on this particular rationalization.
But it is a notable distinction.
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You're also wrong on the law; when it comes to broad policies like presumption of innocence, rule of lenity, presumption of regularity, A/C privilege, judicial notice etc. etc. they are generally analyzed via purposivism.
Your analogy fails at the outset because you assume all presumptions are the same kind of policy. Same operation; different policies and purposes.
Magic words again.
Hey, you might WANT a system under which, once a President is adjudicated to have done something wrong, he forfeits some of his office's powers.
I said nothing about forfeiting powers. I am talking about forfeiting a presumption that they are acting in good faith and trying to follow the law and Constitution. It is just obvious that we, as ordinary people and not lawyers, would show more skepticism and give more scrutiny to someone previously shown to lie and break rules when a new case comes up. That is the rational thing to do.
The government isn't a criminal defendant. No government official should get a presumption that they are honest and are acting with integrity after they have been proven to have lied or acted outside the law.
That has nothing to do with the presumption of regularity, one way or the other.
,,,the presumption of innocence: No matter how many times you've been convicted of crimes, the next time you're charged you're STILL presumed innocent until proven guilty.
Of course that's all perfectly true with respect to a criminal jury trial, where evidence of prior crimes can't even be introduced as evidence. One supposes in a bench trial, the judge is supposed to pretend he's not aware of defendant's extensive criminal history. And so perhaps it has to be the same with the presumption of regularity.
But note:
1. Once we've convicted someone for the (N+1)th time, with the presumption of innocence, we count the prior N crimes when deciding what to do with them.
2. One penalty after conviction is probation, which means partial loss of some of the other presumptions in one's favor.
3. The investigators and prosecutors are NOT bound by any presumption of innocence and not only can, but usually do, use prior criminal record when deciding who to believe, who to charge, and how hard to pursue it.
Maybe some of that should apply to presumption of regularity. By analogy with career criminal penalty enhancements, a court could say this the (N+1)th time you've cheated, so instead of just telling you to go correct your "mistake", there will be some additional sanctions. By analogy with probation, a judge can warn the administration on a particular case that now they will be asking a lot more questions. And by analogy with investigators and prosecutors, everyone else- citizens, corporations, state governments, opposition congressmen - are entitled legally and obligated ethically to recognize they are dealing with a virulently irregular administration, and to act accordingly by smothering them with lawsuits, challenges, and the maximum disrespect allowed by law.
All that makes sense, except: When you're facing a court as a defendant, you're not, constitutionally, co-equal with them. You're very much in a subordinate position.
The court might sanction YOU if you don't rise when the judge enters the room, but when a Supreme court justice enters the room during the state of the union address he'd have to be batshit crazy to demand everybody in the room rise, because they are his equals.
Brett making up things again. He'd really like his idiosyncratic BrettLaw to be the rule of the land, so comments as if it is. Thus, any common phrase starting with "Presumption of" must have the identical power of Presumption of Innocence. One might say he has earned no presumption of veracity.
It's a little sad that the best that can be assumed of anyone representing the Trump Administration's DoJ in a courtroom, is that they now enter under a cloud of suspicion. A rebuttable assumption to be sure but courts no longer can give Trump DOJ attorneys the previously default “Presumption of Regularity.”
Trump, his direct appointees and their subordinates, in their now repeated history of direct lies to the court, have squandered the privilege of an initial benefit of the doubt. So the well-justified position of rational judges is now:
Assertion ≠ Fact. Provide verifiable evidence of what you just related as fact, and then we'll go on.
It is not.
(It's also unlike it in that the former should not exist.)
In order to believe the premise that the lower courts are "revolting," one must be either a hopeless right-wing hack, a gullible rube, or both.
The Roberts SCOTUS has been reckless in overturning established precedent and ignoring black-letter law. They've issued shadow docker rulings with no justification but expect lower courts to be mind-readers of sufficient power to divine their intended justification and abide by it, as if it were precedent. That's hardly a lower court revolution: it's how lower courts do their jobs according to *established* precedent. If SCOTUS wants to overturn precedent or interpret laws in ways totally at odds their historical interpretation, as they evidently do, they owe the courts at least a cursory justification.
Humphrey's Executor has been good law for nearly a century but SCOTUS wants to kill it, on illusory constitutional grounds, by blocking injunctions, and without even slightly convincing supporting evidence. To say nothing of their predilection for creating constitutional interpretation out of thin air, like the idea that the president is above the law.
The only court that is "revolting" is the SCOTUS, and in more than one sense of the word.
But Myers is still good law too, and Humphrey's didn't overrule Myers it just carved out a narrow exception:
"We think it plain under the Constitution that illimitable power of removal is not possessed by the President in respect of officers of the character of those just named. The authority of Congress, in creating quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial agencies, to require them to act in discharge of their duties independently of executive cannot be doubted."
The duties and character of the FTC commissioners has changed in the last century significantly, so its not to be wondered that that narrow exception no longer applies, and never applied to anything except the 1935 FTC.
The duties and character of the FTC commissioners has changed in the last century significantly, so its not to be wondered that that narrow exception no longer applies,
It is not to be wondered? This is just ipse dixit with more words and shit grammar.
This is why congress must act to clearly define the limits of district courts, ahead of any other legislation including budgets.
At a minimum, district courts opinions must only apply in that district.
At a minimum, district courts opinions must only apply in that district.
Yeah, the federal government, which has authority in the whole country, shouldn't be bound to follow a court ruling outside of the small district of that court. The federal government gets to violate the law and the constitution in each of the 94 districts that haven't had a ruling go against them until an appeals court rules against the government. And then, it is only valid for that circuit. For it to affect the whole country, SCOTUS has to rule against the government. The fact that appeals can take years, and that only a fraction of appeals even get heard, with something like 1% of cases getting cert at the Supreme Court doesn't matter.
Edit: Basically, your suggestion only sounds great when the government is being blocked from exercising power you want it to have. You'll think that this idea is horrible as soon as you're the target of the federal government abusing power in violation of the law or Constitution, and you're forced to hire a lawyer and sue by yourself even though multiple federal judges in other districts have ruled against the government.
The fact that appeals take years works against your argument, as it means that any federal district judge can paralyze the entire government for years, knowing that SCOTUS won't get to it for a long time.
At a minimum, district courts opinions must only apply in that district.
And at a maximum, district courts opinions should apply across the country.
There are 94 Federal districts. It is ridiculous to require that in order for an unconstitutional executive act to be halted, 94 separate courts must rule. And your prescription might lead, for example, to the absurd - and stupid - result that in a patchwork of districts, children born to illegal immigrants are citizens, while in other districts, they're not.
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You are both wrong. The limit is not the district, but the party or parties before the Court. If the plaintiff is wronged by an illegal EO, then he/she/it is entitled to a nationwide injunction. For that plaintiff.
More than that, you need class action certification.
Article III courts are in the business of deciding "cases or controversies" between parties, not vetoing EO's or Congressionally passed statutes they don't like.
Your substitution of "they don't like" for "that are unconstitutional" is noted.
Very lawyerly.
"unconstitutional" begs the question. And I am less than impressed with district judge's ability to discern what is Constitutional.
Putting your snark aside, I agree that a party that shows it is being harmed by an illegal EO (unconstitutional is a subset of illegal) is entitled to relief. Question is, what authority does a district judge have to enter an injunction in favor of a party that is not before the court and has not proven anything in terms of harm? IMO, no authority. And that is a "constitutional" matter based on the the "case or controversy" requirement.
That is a stupid comment that only a person who has no idea about the subject he's discussing would say.
Let's suppose you and I dispute ownership of a valuable one-of-a-kind piece of art. You're proposing to dispose of it in such a way as to be irreversible. I sue you in federal court in NYC — because that's where you live — to get an order that nothing be done with the artwork until our property rights are sorted out. The court issues an injunction to that effect. Do you think you can — or should be able to — say, "Ha, ha, before you sued I moved the art to my home in the Hamptons, which is not in this district, so I ignored the injunction and got rid of the piece"? Because, hint, you can't. The judge has jurisdiction over you, so his order applies — worldwide — to you (and people acting with you).
Geographic locale determines which court can hear a case in the first place; it does not constrain the judge's authority.
"Geographic locale determines which court can hear a case in the first place; it does not constrain the judge's authority."
Nitpick. That's within the US. For activities outside the US, the authority might be limited by the substantive law. For example, IP rights are territorial. A US court can enjoin me from infringing in the US. Not from acts outside the US.
On the other hand if a US law has extraterritorial effect then the court's authority follows, it is not additionally constrained by some separate judicial territorial limit.
Sure, to the extent the law is valid. US citizens can be subject to US law anywhere in the world. Non-citizens less so.
I mean, if they're subject to personal jurisdiction in the U.S. court in the first place, then they are. (Whether the district court can as a practical matter enforce its orders worldwide against a non-citizen is another question, of course.)
Dude, writing crap in obscure journals will not get Trump's attention to give you that judicial appointment you are craving so badly.
Figure out how to get on TV more, and hire a consultant to teach you how to do the TV thing like all the other news bunnies he's put in high positions.
I think he’s more hopeful to get feted at Fed Soc and similar events. I don’t actually think he cares about a judgeship where he’d have to deal with a bunch of regular cases. I think he loves traveling on airlines and getting hotel points and getting attention.
"Federal judges on the East and West Coasts–not in flyover country–are blocking nearly every action taken by the Trump Administration."
Is the opposite true and federal judges in flyover country (I always thought that was a perjorative term but . . . OK)–not on the East and West Coasts-are approving nearly every action taken by the Trump Administration?
'cause that would be concerning too.
"Flyover country" is a pejorative term, definitely. It is the parts of the U.S. that people "fly over" but don't want to live or even visit. But it is fairly common for people to transform pejoratives like that into badges of pride. This can happen when people want to reverse a negative stereotype and turn into something to feel superior about. "They look down on us, but that is because we are really better than them in ways they don't understand."
Essentially, the social conservatives that dominate the culture in these places, look down on the "immoral" ways of the "liberal elites" at least as much as they perceive those people looking down on them.
That is why there is so little consistency in the principles being applied. When the real motivation is "us vs them" thinking, it isn't about principles. It is about who wins.
What Roberts actually wrote in his year-end report was
His concern was defiance of any rulings, not just Supreme Court rulings. Unlike Prof. Blackman, Roberts realizes that the executive is not entitled to ignore the lower courts and pay attention only when SCOTUS speaks, that they wield the same authority and are "inferior" only in the sense of being lower in the hierarchy.
"Federal judges on the East and West Coasts–not in flyover country–..."
"I wouldn't live there if you paid me to..."
The lower courts so far have been applying established laws and making solid rulings. So far all SCOTUS has done is allowed Trump to continue to violate the law and have not touched the merits. Shadow docket rulings are not precedential.
Courts doing their best to follow the law is not a "revolt". Trump violating the law and SCOTUS allowing it using backhand methods is.
Can you imagine lower courts issuing stays against a Democratic administration, and SCOTUS vacating the stays without any explanation at all? Prof. Blackman would be screaming bloody murder.
More lower court revolt…
https://www.cnn.com/2025/09/02/politics/national-guard-california-trump-posse-comitatus-act-breyer
So now every time a court rules that Trump did something illegal it is a "revolt"?
Forgot the /s; I assume Martinned is enclosing revolt with invisible air quotes.
"presumption of regularity"
Resistance! judges believe in the presumption of irregularity. Any Trump action is invalid.
It's a conclusion, not a presumption.
And revolt from inside the DoJ, or at least quitting before carrying out an order to lie in court...
Breyer was already slapped down unanimously once by a 3 judge panel on appeal on the same issue.
He must like it.
It was, in fact, a different issue. But glad you no longer distrust 9th Circuit 3-judge panels.
As I have written here before, Congress should establish three-judge courts that have exclusive jurisdiction over challenges to Executive action, with an appeal as of right to SCOTUS. Would save a great deal of time and nonsense.
It's not a bad idea.
Sounds like a good idea in concept — I wouldn’t claim to know the machinery as a non-lawyer, but I like the principle.
Agreed. I have posted the same idea. I would say that each judge is selected randomly from all active federal judges. Each one reads the brief and reply and decides to take the case or not. If two judges decide not to take the case, the case continues as normal.
That's not what I am proposing. Judges don't get to pick which cases they get. The panel has to take the case. (I suppose a judge could decline to be on the panel. There could be good reasons, such as an impending long trial. I once had an assigned district judge in a case. When she started a six-month trial, the case was reassigned to another district judge.)
The judges don't get to pick the case. But they have the opportunity to send it back to the district courts if they find the case to be frivolous or is otherwise fundamentally flawed.
I don't understand your point. Why would they send it back to the district court rather than dismiss it, if they found it to be frivolous?
I am looking at this in the context of universal injunctions.
In effect the case has two parts; the actual legal arguments and merit, and whether or not a universal injunction is warranted. The panel would remand to the district court if the don't see any cause for universal injunction.
We don't need a special court to hear individual appeals of executive actions.
"I would say that each judge is selected randomly from all active federal judges."
But there's the problem.
Is it really 'randomly,' i.e., picking names out of a hat?
Because I don't see that happening.
That means it will be a political process - which we're trying to avoid.
It is very easy to pick three random judges. Names out of a hat would work, but there are better ways.
The SDNY has random assignments. In the old days, they had a set of wheels, looked like Bingo wheels. Different ones for each type of case (contract, trademark, civil rights, etc.) The Clerk would spin the wheel, pick out a little ball, and that's how you got the judge. I personally saw that several times when filing papers.
Nowadays, its random assignment through the PACER software.
There would probably be a roster of judges who would serve on the three-judge panel. At least one should be a Circuit judge. And then you can randomly pick from those pools.
Yes, it's very easy to pick three random judges. It's also very easy to carefully select them, and just SAY you picked them randomly. Transparency is essential if you expect a random selection to actually end up random.
Is this a hypothetical conspiracy theory? Otherwise, why wouldn't you see it happening? Cases get assigned randomly every day.
There have been multiple statistical studies of judge assignment, and all of them that I'm aware of have come to the same conclusion: That while all the circuits purport to random assignment, some of them are, to a high level of statistical significance, not actually doing it randomly. See, for instance,
Challenging the Randomness of Panel Assignment in the Federal Courts of Appeals
"As Figure 2 shows, there is evidence that the panels are
nonrandom in four circuits: the D.C. Circuit, the Second Circuit, the Eighth Circuit, and the Ninth Circuit."
It will come as a shock to just about nobody that the deviation from random assignment was largest in the 9th circuit...
As is so often the case, Brett takes something he read once, inflates it into a broad conspiracy, and doesn't actually read the thing he read once, at least not past the headline.
“a precedent of this Court must be followed by the lower federal courts no matter how misguided the judges of those courts may think it to be”
This is easier done when there’s an opinion with reasoning.
But if there isn't an opinion there isn't a precedent, in that particular case there was an opinion explaining the reasoning.
But the District Court judge cited the dissent instead.
SCOTUS is to blame for letting it happen.
Trump should just order the marshals to stop protecting these clowns and hint that anyone who takes matters into their own hands in D.C., outside of the purview of blue state governors, will get a pardon.
Fuck them.
You forgot the /s. Otherwise what you suggesting would make even Stalin blush.