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Second Amendment Roundup: 2d Circuit Upholds License Denials by N.Y. Judge
State Judges who deny gun licenses are held to enjoy absolute judicial immunity.
On August 18, the Second Circuit decided Kellogg v. Nichols, a suit under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 against a New York state judge who denied applications by two individuals for firearm licenses. The court affirmed the district court's dismissal of their individual-capacity claims as barred by absolute judicial immunity and then dismissed their official-capacity claims for injunctive and declaratory relief as lacking an Article III case-or-controversy.
As Kellogg explains, the state judge denied applicant Kellogg's permit based on his "criminal arrest history and inadequate explanations for failing to disclose that history." The reasons for the arrests are not stated. He also "ruled that [applicant] Harmon's criminal history, including a youthful-offender adjudication for first-degree robbery, likewise demonstrated that he lacked the requisite maturity or responsibility to have a license." The applicants then filed suit in the U.S. district court alleging violation of their Second and Fourteenth Amendment rights.
Unlike some counties, the sitting judge is the licensing officer in Columbia County where the plaintiffs resided. As plaintiffs pointed out, under New York state law, acting on a gun permit application is an administrative function. Kellogg mentions none of the state precedents on point, but earlier this year, in In re Guthman, the Appellate Division, 4th Dept., held: "The appropriate procedure for the review of a determination of a County Court Judge, acting in [their] administrative capacity as the firearms licensing officer for the County of [Onondaga] under Penal Law § 400.00 (11) and § 265.00 (10), is not a direct appeal, but the commencement of a CPLR article 78 proceeding in this Court." (Bracketed items in original.) For that proposition, the court quoted In re Shuler (A.D., 2d Dept. 2009), which applied that rule to the County Court Judge of Westchester County. Other New York precedents consistently characterize the proceeding as administrative.
While not mentioned in the Kellogg decision, for some unexplained reason the plaintiffs did not file an article 78 proceeding in the Appellate Division to appeal the denial of the firearm license. If the ruling there was negative, they could have then filed their constitutional claims in the federal district court.
But Kellogg would recognize no construction of New York state law by New York state courts. Under prior Second Circuit precedent, New York state court judges act in a judicial capacity when denying gun permits. Libertarian Party of Erie Cnty. v. Cuomo (2d Cir. 2020), abrogated on other grounds by the Supreme Court's decision in Bruen. That decision likewise failed to cite any of the New York state court decisions that construe their own law on that point. Whatever happened to "recognition of the role of state courts as the final expositors of state law," as the U.S. Supreme Court has often reminded us? E.g., England v. La. State Bd. of Medical Examiners (1964).
According to Kellogg, no Article III case or controversy exists between a judge who decides gun permit applications and a litigant who attacks the constitutionality of the statute. That is why a litigant "seeking to enjoin the enforcement of a statute on constitutional grounds ordinarily sues the enforcement official authorized to bring suit under the statute," not "the court or judges who are supposed to adjudicate the merits of the suit that the enforcement official may bring."
The court added that the judge acts in a judicial role, not an administrative role, in part because: "New York State, acting through various law enforcement officers, and not the judge who adjudicates a firearms license, is authorized to enforce the licensing regime by prosecuting the unlicensed possession of a concealed firearm." But the same could be said for the appeals board that hears appeals of license denials from non-judicial licensing officers such as sheriffs. (See 9 NYCRR 6059.1). Consisting of officials from state law enforcement agencies whose proceedings are purely administrative, the appeals board also would have no role in prosecuting offenders, yet it could be sued in a § 1983 action.
However, Kellogg did not "decide whether Article III would bar a similar action brought against a New York state police commissioner or county sheriff, say, who denies a firearms license application, … where those officers possess both the authority to adjudicate such applications and the power to enforce violations of New York's firearms licensing laws." It certainly would not bar such action, as we know from the lead respondent in the caption of a certain familiar Supreme Court decision: "Kevin P. Bruen, in his official capacity as Superintendent of New York State Police." As that decision notes, "Respondents are the superintendent of the New York State Police, who oversees the enforcement of the State's licensing laws, and a New York Supreme Court justice, who oversees the processing of licensing applications in Rensselaer County."
When what became Bruen was in the Second Circuit, styled New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n v. Beach, no absolute immunity or Article III impediment was held to preclude resolution on the merits. That decision summarily affirmed Kachalsky v. County of Westchester (2d Cir. 2012),
which similarly raised no such defenses, instead holding on the merits that the New York "proper cause" requirement for licenses did not violate the Second Amendment. While not mentioned in the appellate decision, the district court in the case (then styled Kachalsky v. Cacace (S.D. N.Y. 2011)) noted: "The State Defendants are judges on various courts within the New York State Unified Court System and, at the times of Individual Plaintiffs' full-carry permit applications … served as handgun licensing officers under NYPL Section 265.00(10)." Again, no qualified-immunity or Article III issue there.
It is interesting that Kachalsky was authored by Judge Richard Wesley, who was also on the Kellogg panel. Another panel member was Senior Judge Reena Raggi, who I encountered as the district judge in Richmond Boro Gun Club v. City of New York (E.D. N.Y. 1995), which upheld the City's "assault weapon" ban (albeit we raised no Second Amendment issue). Author of Kellogg was Judge Raymond Lohier, who was on the panel that upheld the "assault weapon" bans of Connecticut and New York in New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n v. Cuomo (2d Cir. 2015).
It goes without saying that the Second Circuit is a tough place to litigate Second Amendment claims. One could at least hope for a consistent application of the law by federal and state courts when the same state law is at issue, and in particular for deference to state courts for construction of state law. The Second Circuit should reconsider whether New York judges assigned to engage in the administrative function of considering applications for gun permits are really engaging in a judicial function, which entails a neutral arbiter who decides cases argued by adversarial parties.
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These judges are disloyal to America. It's really that simple.
If they won’t rule the way you want them to, just line ‘em up against the wall and shoot ‘em! None of this leftist pinko sissy judicial independence bullshit that George Washington and his fellow-traveler libtard pinko traitor communist revolutionaries called for.
Where’s a good rock-solid American like Stalin who knows what real American values are when you need him? Mister we sure could use a good man like George III again.
It's interesting to compare modern government to the Declaration of Independence's "history of repeated injuries and usurpations" and wonder what those founders would think. I imagine Benjamin Franklin would say we had not kept the Republic they had created.
We lost it most of a century ago.
I put it down to the Civil War. Abolitionists had been pounding the media for decades to get rid of slavery, and what really did the trick was a bloody federal war lasting only four years. From then on, federal action was the key to every rabble rouser's success.
So our problems began when we abolished slavery? Just trying to make sure I understand your point of view.
Are you ok with them putting whole cities to the torch because they wouldn't act like you wanted them to - but its ok for judges to do whatever you like?
The New Deal made most Americans more free, in terms of operational choice.
Your rich person’s freedom is not adopted in the Constitution nor does it have much to do with actual freedom or good policy.
Yah, free to live off other people's money.
Let me guess, you're one of those imbeciles who demand free housing, free food, great jobs, and call that freedom.
FDR's New Deal, and all the Hoover programs he campaigned against and then co-opted as his own, lengthened and deepened the Great Depression. FDR did more immediate and long term harm to this country than any other President, including Wilson.
Your 'other people's money' principle ignores the history of just about every society since Rome, and would case a lot of people to die.
You have no idea what kind of social safety net I envision, so you set yourself up against any kind at all.
You're not even an idealist, just a resentmentist. It's a very strange way to be.
If you laud FDR's New Deal, I know enough of how you envy other people's money. The details are irrelevant.
Funny how the other day you accused me of too much idealism or principles or something. Funny how you claim I cannot know your inner thoughts, but you can know mine.
So much for consistency.
Yeah, that kind of bitter telepathy is in keeping with resentmentism.
Not sure what you mean if I called you too idealist, but if I did I was mistaken. You don't care about practicalities, but you don't care about ideals either.
The question was not how free we were/are, though a bunch of Japanese/Americans might argue with you. The question was whether we kept the Republic Franklin was talking about.
The fact is that during the New Deal most of the structural limitations on federal power were comprehensively defeated, and the original constitutional system of federalism broken. Franklin's republic died. The non-Republic that replaced it may deign to let us make our own choices in many areas of our lives, (Though not in others!) but it isn't the Republic that Franklin was discussing anymore.
We're not the Republic anyone living centuries ago envisioned.
Of course we aren't.
Assuming the Founders were too stupid to realize that life and societies evolve beyond anyone's imagination does their vision a disservice.
That you deploy that so you can attack the New Deal shows where your priorities lie. And they aren't with freedom or Democracy or anything most modern Americans think of when they think of America.
Yeah, you don't care one bit that the thing I hate most about the New Deal is all the liberties we lost as the federal government grew in power. Power and liberty, they're on opposite sides of a teeter totter.
Sure, the lesser amount of liberty we have is somewhat more equitably distributed in terms of race, but the actual AMOUNT of liberty has shrank, and substantially.
We lost no liberties. Your definition of liberty has nothing to do with actual liberty - i.e. expanding the choices people have.
It has everything to do with more money and ways to make it for you and those like you.
And those like me, as well. I'm just not self-interested and willfully blind about it.
"Your definition of liberty has nothing to do with actual liberty - i.e. expanding the choices people have."
What is your view on how my liberty to use locally synthesized LSD is affected by a broad reading of interstate commerce?
Some people seem to think the commerce clause is involved: "The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) of 1971 represents a cornerstone in U.S. drug policy, leveraging the Commerce Clause to broadly regulate controlled substances."
Yeah, we lost no liberties, except for all those areas of our lives the federal government now dictates. Aside from those, we're no less free.
They're still liberties even if you personally don't value them, you know.
Absaroka - You're now talking about 1971, not the New Deal.
Yeah, I think regulation of drugs is a restriction on liberty. Were I a libertarian who thought liberty was the only nor nearly only value a society should seek to maximize, I would absolutely think that was a bad law.
But Libertarian Sarcastr0 wouldn't think it was necessarily against the Constitution. The Constitution doesn't instantiate my ideal society.
Actual Sarcastr0 thinks there are a lot of competing values in society. He also thinks the commerce clause is properly interpreted under current law.
None of that is like Brett, who thinks the Constitution instantiates his particular political values, that the liberty to spend your money is the only liberty that counts, that Lochner was wrongly decided, and that the Civil Rights Acts cannot bind private businesses.
Brettville is profoundly unfree to everyone who isn't like Brett.
My point is merely that a lot of restrictions seem to originate with Wickard. If Wickard had gone the other way, then wouldn't I be able to grow my own shrooms or make my own machine gun or feed my own wheat to my own cows as long as I stayed intrastate. Deciding Wickard the other way seems like it would pull the rug out from under a lot of current regulations.
No, it didn't. The New Deal was a massive political distraction by the guy (guys, really) who had actually made the Great Depression longer and deeper than if they'd stayed in bed. It was 'bread and circuses' at our worst.
The New Deal was a massive political distraction
You're making up your own history, with ideological axioms as your first ground truth.
How Trotskyite of you.
No, that's actually bog standard economic history, so far as I've heard it: The Great Depression continued until WWII due to destructive economic policies.
It's worth remembering that we'd had plenty of depressions before, but none of them were all that "great" before central economic planning became a fad in the early 20th century.
So, yeah, FDR Prolonged the Great Depression
Bog standard if you're from the Austrian School. Your link launders a Cato guy pushing his book. Good lord you need to get out more.
And even were that true, Rossami didn't say just that, he said the "New Deal was a massive political distraction."
That implies some kind of intent. It's pretty nuts to say that's why the New Deal was instantiated. We have a pretty good paper trail.
Yeah, you assume that all judges are acting in good faith, and that they can't possibly be acting otherwise.
It's a "Natural Right", do I need a Permit to Jerk Off ?, Smoke a J ?, Watch some really sick German Porn ??? (Redacted) like this is what leads to situations where Mexico has one licensed Gun store, permission to own guns is strictly regulated, so........
Mexico must have a very low rate of murders from gun shot wounds??
Frank "My Ancestors didn't not pay their tea taxes 200 years ago for this!!!!"
It sure waddles and quacks like a judicial decision. The judge here was responding to a petition by applying a legal standard to a set of facts to determine if the legal standard is met and in doing so, assessing credibility, to decide whether or not to grant the petition. That’s quintessential judicial conduct. It’s exactly the sort of thing judges do.
The plaintiffs filed a federal lawsuit. The judicial immunity here is federal-law judicial immunity. Federal judicial immunity is based on whether the judge was doing the sorts of things judges do, regardless of whether the judge was lawfully acting as a judge under state law at the time. This judge was doing exactly the sorts of things judges do. And very clearly so. That quite correctly settled the matter.
Mr. Halbtook’s state-law argument might well be relevant in a dispute in state court. But it has nothing to do with this federal-law case.
In addition, lying about your criminal record in the application strikes me as a perfectly permissable reason to deny a gun permit. If the case had gotten beyond immunity, the judge would quite likely have won on the merits.
In applicant Kellogg's case, the criminal history was for arrests rather than convictions. Should mere arrests be held against an applicant?
Granted, states like NY often fail to prosecute criminal charges against people who deserve it, so many arrests that should lead to convictions do not -- but it seems to me that there should be a higher threshold for restricting a fundamental civil right than someone not providing details about an arrest record that the government already holds.
>The judge here was responding to a petition by applying a legal standard to a set of facts to determine if the legal standard is met and in doing so, assessing credibility, to decide whether or not to grant the petition. That’s quintessential judicial conduct.
Seems like an awful lot of the executive branch would get judicial immunity if that's the standard. Issuing licenses and permits is quintessential executive conduct. It would, for example, seem ridiculous for the clerk who denied those marriage licenses to be deemed to have judicial immunity just because issuing licenses involves applying legal standards to a set of facts to decide whether or not to grant it.
Also there's a lack of an adversarial party which you normally have in judicial proceedings. Presumably there wasn't a district attorney opposing the license application on behalf of the state.
Agreed, however, that lying about your criminal record is a good reason to deny the license.
You know what they call somebody who's been arrested a hundred times, and never convicted?
Innocent.
The guy doesn't HAVE a criminal record to disclose.
That aside, the idea that the state can render license denials unreviewable by the judiciary by having judges do the administrative work is pretty ugly.
This case is a pretty good example of why it's obscene that the Court allowed exercise of a constitutional right to be licensed in the first place.
(Boy wait until Brett hears about voter registration!)
That's not a license, though, is it? For one thing, they can't charge for it. For another, issuance isn't discretionary. Finally, it's inherent in the exercise of the right to vote that they have to know where you live, because that's the only place you're entitled to vote.
Gun ownership has no such geographical link as a right.
Here you can see that they've given the person reviewing the application discretion over whether to issue it. And set fairly vague criteria, too: "Good character".
Formal sit distinction to avoid a functional lack of consistency.
Switching from soaring idealist rhetoric to that shows a trashy lack of actual ideals.
Does that word salad actually convey any meaning? I see the word "ideal" but you're about the last person to lecture anybody on ideals or principles.
Many of Sarcastro’s brief posts are incomprehensible. I used to think it was an attempt to come across as deep and gnomic.
But now I think it’s just a true reflection of what’s going on in his head.
Just in case you can't tell, I'm not talking about the OP, I'm talking about the more general statements being made here about rights.
Brett: 'it's obscene that the Court allowed exercise of a constitutional right to be licensed.'
Also Brett: 'That's not a license, though, is it?'
When it's a right that effects Brett personally, it's a sacred principle and we are an oppressive tyranny for failing to defended it well beyond current rights jurisprudence.
When it's a right Brett doesn't care for, it technically doesn't count because the magic words aren't the same. Besides, it's be impracticable!
A fair-weather radical for only the rights that they personally like isn't a friend of freedom at all.
A "license" is permission from the government to do something. Voter registration isn't permission to vote, it's informing the government WHERE you will be voting.
Something that's necessary because you only have the right to vote where you reside, and nowhere else.
As the right to keep and bear arms is a federal right with no such geographic link, the government has no need to know where you live in connection with your right to keep and bear arms.
Another difference is that voting is a positive governmental right, similar to the right to trial by jury. It can only be exercised in contexts created by government in the first place; You can't vote except when the government holds elections, no matter how much you'd like to, you can't just up and decide you want a jury trial today, though the government has not charged you with any crime.
Gun ownership has no such fundamental link to government, the government doesn't need to do ANYTHING for you to own a gun, except get the hell out of the way.
I don't think it's so much that the license denials are unreviewable. You can still file a 2nd Amendment claim. You just can't sue a judge in his individual capacity.
He was a judge, not a clerk. In many jurisdictions certain decisions and actions can be made by either a judge or a clerk. When the judge does it, judicial immunity applies, but not when the clerk does it.
Marriage is a perfectly good example.
Ruth Bader Ginsberg married gay couples shortly before Obergefelle was decided. If Obergefelle had gone the other way, she would have gotten judicial immunity. But a clerk who does the same thing doesn’t.
And it's worth noting why: Because judges get to make that call!
And for no other reason.
I don't think your approach is correct.
Cleavinger v. Saxner, 474 U.S. 193, 201, 106 S. Ct. 496, 501, 88 L. Ed. 2d 507 (1985)
Calling someone a "judge" who performs the same functions as a clerk does not by itself grant absolute immunity.
Many towns require a license to own and keep a dog. If the town grants the clerk in charge the title "Supreme Judge of Dog Licenses for the Town of Succotash," I doubt that grants him absolute immunity.
More to the point, the granting of licenses is generally not a judicial function. Even if there is some level of factfinding. (E.g., the town bans dog licenses for pitbulls, and the clerk has to determine if this is a pitbull. Or if the town limits licenses to dogs, not wolves, and someone wants to keep a wild wolf as a "dog.")
Cleavinger v. Saxner, 474 U.S. 193, 202, 106 S. Ct. 496, 501, 88 L. Ed. 2d 507 (1985)
In Cleavinger, the Court held that a prison disciplinary committee did not enjoy absolute immunity for their decisions.
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/474/193/
But Bruen said that permits are allowable so long as they are issued based on objective standards. By definition a judge should not be issuing a judicial decision in granting or denying one. ChatGPT should be able to issue or deny one.
The fact that a judge is using judicial discretion at all is a violation of Bruen.
Credibility determinations are objective?
My point is that "shall-issue" means objective criteria. Bruen requires objective criteria. There is no credibility determination. No state just takes your word for it in a background check.
Have you been convicted of a felony? Yes or no.
Are you over age 21? Yes or no Etc.
Individual capacity? Judicial capacity?
What about constitutional capacity?
Requiring a "permit" or "license" to exercise rights supposedly protected by the constitution is, shall we say, UNCONSTITUTIONAL.
So a requirement to register to vote is unconstitutional?
A requirement to register to vote that allows the government functionary to grant or deny it based on his evaluation of your character is.
Objective facts might be different. If the Clerk denies registration because the person is not yet 18, or not a citizen, or does not live in the town or county that is covered, then yes. Still does not make the clerk a judge.
Technically there is no "right" to vote.
Which is neither a permit nor a license. Its a verification of your eligibility.
We had a state court decision similar to this in the mid 1990s. I'll get a cite if anyone is interested.
Basically, though the 1980s we had a may-issue permitting system with the circuit judges determining if a petitioner had good cause for a carry permit.
The law was changed in 1989 to shall issue---objective criteria only whereby the license shall issue without discretion. The statute still made circuit judges the decisionmakers.
In 1995, our Supreme Court ruled the statute unconstitutional as a violation of the separation of powers. A law which gave judges no discretion was not a proper application of judicial authority.
The legislature changed the law the following year to have the county sheriffs issue the permits.
I was curious myself: Application of Dailey, 465 SE 2d 601 (W.Va. 1995).
https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=12900439645980756083&q=gun+permit+unconstitutional+judicial&hl=en&as_sdt=4,49
"We agree with the conclusion of the circuit court and find that W.Va.Code 61-7-4 (1995) constitutes a legislative delegation of powers and duties to the various circuit courts of this State which are non-judicial in character, are not incidental to the judicial function and are therefore unconstitutional, invalid and in violation of article V, section 1 of the West Virginia Constitution."