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Born in N.Y., Lived in U.S. for Nearly 70 Years, Subscribed Oath of Allegiance 5 Times—But, It Turns Out, He Isn't a U.S. Citizen
Was the father a consul or an attaché? It is on such matters that the law sometimes turns.
From Moncada v. Rubio, decided Wednesday by the Ninth Circuit (Judge Anthony D. Johnstone, joined by Judges Johnnie B. Rawlinson and Morgan Christen):
Roberto Moncada was born in New York City in July 1950. His father, a Nicaraguan national, worked for Nicaragua's permanent mission to the United Nations. For nearly seventy years, Moncada lived and worked in the United States as an American citizen. Five times he subscribed the oath of allegiance, and five times the government issued Moncada a passport. In the district court's words: "A child was born in America and told by the United States government—his government—that he was an American citizen. And … it told him this again and again and again and again."
The government repeatedly affirmed that Moncada's father's apparent status as a Nicaraguan consul did not confer diplomatic immunity on his children. So, the government explained, Moncada was born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States according to the Fourteenth Amendment. U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. And under the Constitution, citizenship was his birthright.
But the government was, as the district court put it, "wrong all along." In 2018, the government reviewed its records and found that Moncada's father served as an attaché, not a consul, when Moncada was born. Unlike a consul, an attaché and his family possess full diplomatic immunity. So, the government now asserted, Moncada was not born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States. Therefore, he was not a birthright citizen. The government revoked Moncada's passport and told him he "did not acquire U.S. citizenship by virtue of [his] birth here."
Moncada sued for a declaratory judgment that he is a citizen. The Secretary of State responded by producing a recently executed certification of Moncada's diplomatic immunity at birth ("Certificate")…. [The District Court] held that the Secretary established by clear and convincing evidence that Moncada was not born a citizen because it found, as a matter of fact, that his father was an attaché with diplomatic immunity when he was born. We affirm….
Moncada was born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States under the Fourteenth Amendment unless he was born with diplomatic immunity—immunity from the jurisdiction of the United States. Under international law principles incorporated into federal law, and subject to limited exceptions, he held diplomatic immunity if he was born into a diplomatic household. That, in turn, depends on whether the President—Truman, at the time—received Moncada's father, Dr. Moncada, as a public minister, or whether Dr. Moncada served as a consul instead. We therefore begin with the law of diplomatic immunity and the facts that determine whether Moncada held that immunity at his birth.
International law distinguishes between public ministers and consuls. Federal law reflects this distinction. [Details omitted. -EV] …
"All persons born … in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are Citizens of the United States." … When ratified, the Citizenship Clause was understood to exclude non-citizens "who belong to the families of [a]mbassadors or foreign ministers accredited to the Government of the United States." This exclusion incorporated the longstanding international law principle of diplomatic immunity: "the immunity which all civilized nations allow to foreign ministers," and those "privileges which are essential to the dignity of [the foreign minister's] sovereign, and to the duties he is bound to perform." …
A person claiming United States citizenship bears the burden of producing "substantial credible evidence" of that fact. If the person does so, the burden shifts to the government to prove lack of citizenship "by clear and convincing evidence." This clear and convincing burden of proof "matches the gravity of the task" in proceedings, such as this one, that may deprive a person of the United States citizenship to which they may be rightfully entitled….
The district court found conflicting evidence of Dr. Moncada's diplomatic immunity, but it discounted Moncada's evidence as lacking sufficient weight. Along with the Certificate, the Secretary produced the bulk of the evidence at trial: [State Department official James] Donovan's credible testimony about diplomatic processes and records; the U.S. Mission to the U.N. "Blue List," the registry of individuals with diplomatic immunity, which includes Dr. Moncada's name and title as an attaché; the U.S. Host Country Affairs Section's KARDEX registry of biographical information for Dr. Moncada and his family; and U.N. General Assembly records where Dr. Moncada spoke to the body in a diplomatic capacity. Of particular importance are "Blue List" documents because they may "constitute [ ] presumptive evidence that [Moncada] enjoy[ed] diplomatic status." Each piece of evidence shows that Dr. Moncada enjoyed diplomatic immunity when his son was born.
But Moncada presented evidence to the contrary, including President Truman's May 1949 exequatur with Dr. Moncada listed as "Deputy Consul," Moncada's birth certificate that lists his father's occupation as "Consul," and the absence of Moncada's name among the Moncada children listed on the KARDEX. Also, some of Donovan's trial testimony conflicts with the "reasonable—if not inevitable—inference" of Moncada's citizenship status. For example, Donovan testified that he did not have any knowledge of how or where Dr. Moncada spent most of his time while he represented Nicaragua at the U.N. This was an important concession because that information would have been helpful circumstantial evidence of his job description and title. Moncada also relies on various documents noting that Dr. Moncada lacked full diplomatic immunity status, due in part to confusion of the "Blue List" of diplomats at the embassy in Washington D.C. (which did not list Dr. Moncada) with the "Blue List" of diplomats at the permanent mission to the U.N. in New York City (which did list Dr. Moncada). And again, the Secretary did not produce any contemporaneous certification of when, exactly, the President received Dr. Moncada as a diplomat.
Still, as the fact finder, "the district court was entitled to discount this evidence." And "[b]ased 'on the entire evidence,' we are not 'left with the definite and firm conviction that a mistake has been committed.'" Thus, on the record before it, the district court did not clearly err in finding that Dr. Moncada held diplomatic immunity when his son was born. Therefore, Moncada also held diplomatic immunity. And if he was immune from the jurisdiction of the United States at birth, then he is not a birthright citizen under the Fourteenth Amendment….
The district court also observed that "[i]t is impossible to conclude that this is justice," and we share its concern about this outcome. The government, for its part, concedes that its decades of mistakes led to this "very unfortunate and regrettable situation." But as inequitable as this result is, courts lack the equitable power to remedy the government's errors by granting Moncada citizenship.
Formality is a virtue of birthright citizenship. It requires no inquiry into lineage but is "restricted only by place and jurisdiction." Yet when circumstances leave a person immune from the jurisdiction of the United States at birth, this same formality requires a court to "give full effect" to that restriction. Thus, we affirm the judgment of the district court.
Ruth A. Mueller represents the government.
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There was another case with similar results within the last few years. This is important precedent for the birthright citizenship litigation. There is no laches against the government, only res judicata. Suppose the constitution doesn't really grant citizenship to children of illegal aliens. Then the government has been mistaken all these years in pretending they are citizens. They can be treated as non-citizens and deported (if any country will take them). Unless they have a declaratory judgment of citizenship.
And in the other direction, if President Trump says little Juanita is not a citizen, president Newsom can say she is. California can say she is.
Then the government has been mistaken all these years in pretending they are citizens. They can be treated as non-citizens and deported (if any country will take them).
This is absurd - a conclusion that only a lawyer could reach.
And of course the Moncada case is just as bad, or worse. I'm wondering, first, why the government decided to review its records. Sounds strange to me. "Here's this 68-year-old man. Let's just check to see if he really is a citizen." Sure.
Second, does the government bear no responsibility in the matter? They just get to shrug their shoulders and say, "Tough luck, Dr. Moncada. We know you're retired and might like to do some traveling, but no more passport for you. No voting for you. " That's not right.
Possibly the judge had no choice, but really, no sensible person would even bring this case.
I doubt anyone targeted this 68-year-old man. More likely come database query churned through everyone and tagged oddities, and some low-level bureaucrat just processed his hundredth case that day.
I am surprised there's no statute of limitations for things like this. Seems common sense says if the government has approved his passports all this time, deducted FICA taxes, and probably paying SSA benefits, it's a little late in the game to change their mind.
So the law is an ass. And you, who claim the law doesn't really exist, are relying on said ass-law to justify this.
That doesn't seem consistent with your usually constant drumbeat.
[FWIW I basically share bernard's position - this is an abuse of executive discretion.]
You are too dumb to understand this, but I will explain (again) for those who aren't used to your level of playing-dumb-until-it-hurts-and-do-it-again.
There are many ways of looking at the world.
* There's the real world, where I write useless letters to Congress Critters and sometimes get back form letters, which even more rarely are related to what I wrote upon.
* There's the hopeful world, where I laugh at politicians and judges and lawyers and bureaucrats and espouse on what they'd do in a saner world.
* There's my ideal fantasy world which helps me understand a baseline of common sense which lawyers almost universally lack.
Wotta shame you have to pretend to not understand these differences so you can look oh so clever to yourself.
Now you are on about law drafters.
You are usually on about judges.
I’m not sure you know what you think!
I know what you think -- nothing. You don't think.
Decades ago the courts of Kansas ruled that an underage rape victim still had to pay child support. I heard a plausible explanation of how the case went so far. A paper pusher got a folder showing a child on welfare and was told to make the parents pay. By the time ordinary human beings realized what was going on the state couldn't back down without losing face.
"only a lawyer could reach"
Not only a lawyer. People here who are not lawyers have applied the law to argue for unjust ends.
This seems right/plausible, but at the same time: how is the government not estopped (or some public law equivalent) from denying that this man is a citizen?
In regulatory contexts, the government frequently misstates a person's regulatory status or what they need to do to comply with a law or regulation. Estoppel is not a remedy against the government unless the government is acting in a proprietary capacity. Short of some formal decision (license or adjudication), the government is free to correct its mistakes.
"how is the government not estopped"
"The general rule is that the federal government may not be equitably estopped from enforcing public laws, even though private parties may suffer hardship as a result in particular cases. Office of Personnel Management v. Richmond, 496 U.S. 414 (1990); Heckler v. Community Health Services of Crawford County, Inc., 467 U.S. 51 (1984); INS v. Miranda, 459 U.S. 14 (1982); Schweiker v. Hansen, 450 U.S. 785 (1981); Federal Crop Ins. Corp. v. Merrill, 332 U.S. 380 (1947)."
https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/civil-resource-manual-209-estoppel
>The general rule is that the federal government may not be equitably estopped from enforcing public laws, even though private parties may suffer hardship as a result in particular cases.
Of course, that's the actual problem in this case. The government just gets to do things that nobody else is allowed to do.
I agree that is the general rule, but in immigration cases in particular, the courts lack equitable powers at all.
"[T]he power to make someone a citizen of the United States has not been conferred upon the federal courts, like mandamus or injunction, as one of their generally applicable equitable powers. . . . Once it has been determined that a person does not qualify for citizenship, . . . the district court has no discretion to ignore the defect and grant citizenship. . . . Neither by application of the doctrine of estoppel, nor by invocation of equitable powers, nor by any other means does a court have the power to confer citizenship in violation of these limitations."
INS v. Pangilinan, 486 U.S. 875 (1988)
Pangilinan dealt with a case where petitioners were seeking citizenship that the Executive branch of the US government wouldn’t grant. This is a completely different case. This is a case where the Executive branch of the US government long ago conferred citizenship that it is now seeking to take away. Because this case does not involve a court conferring citizenship, Pangilinan does not apply.
No, this is a case where Mocada improperly claimed citizenship, and the government did not verify his claims.
No, the government gave him a passport, thereby accepting his status as a citizen. A passport is an official declaration that one is a citizen. There is no basis for revoking that acceptance. He didn’t lie on his passport application. He satisfied the qualifications for naturalization.
No, he was not naturalized. He claimed citizenship by birth, and that claim turned out to be wrong.
I'm not sure US citizenship is "conferred" to non-naturalized citizens by the executive branch.
It is recognized (or not) by the executive branch, because non-naturalized citizens are citizens (or not) by operation of law.
Hard cases make bad law, as they say...
Are you saying that the court had equitable powers in this case? The trial judge here didn't think he had equitable powers and the Ninth circuit didn't correct him. This is a bold claim that merits a citation.
I’m saying he is a naturalized citizen as a matter of law, not equity. He met the qualifications for naturalization. He took the oath of citizenship. The government accepted it. Yes, the government confers citizenship when it naturalizes people.
It's like an insurance company, happy to take his premiums for 50 years, then refusing to pay out because of a clerical error on his form decades ago.
Sorry, you took the money happily all this time, tough.
It's like an insurance company, happy to take his premiums for 50 years, then refusing to pay out because of a clerical error on his form decades ago.
Actually, laws forbid rescissions if the error in question is too old.
It is called a contestability period.
TILT: Consuls are not diplomats but attachés are. If I had ever given any thought to consuls and attachés, I probably would have guessed the opposite, that consuls are diplomats and attachés are not.
Jesus, that's depressing.
I am all for Trump's immigration policy, but this is an absurd result. If the law recognizes it, the law needs to change.
You say recognizes, but not dictates.
The law recognizes dumb shit all the time; it's going to be unclear an incomplete and sometimes perverse by the nature of society and language.
That's why discretion is important. It can be abused, but it is also necessary to catch exceptions like this.
Yes but we must oppose the tendency to "constitutionalize everything."
Countless somethings "ought" to be this or that way in law, policy, practice, or discretion. That doesn't mean the constitution can be shoehorned into mandating every last thing, though that is exactly what many people try to do.
Birthright is not the only path to citizenship.
By accepting his oath and issuing him a passport, the United States naturalized him. He has prima facia evidence that he is a naturalized citizen. Issuing him a passport has consequences that the United States is not free to simply ignore.
That naturalization is entitled to a presumption of regularity, and the burden is on the United States to contest it and prove there are grounds to revoke it. The United States, however, did not do so. His naturalized status remains.
Even if the passport was issued due to bribery or fraud, the United States would still be obligated to prove it before his citizenship could be revoked. But the District Court made clear there is no evidence of any misconduct on Mr. Moncada’s part. While naturalization may not have been authorized under these circumstances, I would think Mr. Moncada’s lawyers have at least an arguable case that he was fully eligible and any irregularities in the form of his naturalization should be discounted as immaterial.
Lord Haw-Haw, who was not born a British subject, was executed for treason after World War II on grounds that by merely applying for a passport and asserting he was a British citizen, he became one enough to owe a duty of loyalty to His Majesty. Mr. Moncada did exactly that. And not only that, the US government officially accepted and ratified his application. If merely applying for a passport and saying the oath of citizenship in doing so makes you enough of a citizen to subject you to execution for treason, surely it makes you enough of a citizen for other purposes as well.
"British subject"
US and UK are not the same.
They wanted to execute him so I bet they made up that "law". Good one time only.
They are not the same. But the presumption of the regularity of citizenship still applies. The United States never even argued he was not a naturalized citizen. They focused solely on the status of his father and argued only that he wasn’t a citizen from birth.
Yes they did claim that he was not a naturalized citizen. He was never naturalized.
William Joyce (Lord Haw-Haw) actually received a British passport. It was this that the House of Lords held made him enough of a British subject to be liable to execution for treason. In doing so, the Law Lords focused on a 1351 statute which they indicated merely codified existing common law. If I were Mr. Moncada’s lawyers I would certainly raise this case and others and suggest that Congress did not extinguish the common law on the subject.
https://www.uniset.ca/nold/1946AC347.pdf
Re Lord Haw-Haw - I can thoroughly recommend Rebecca West's book "The Meaning of Treason", which covers his trial amongst others.
He certainly meets all the requirements of 8 USC Section 1427 et seq. He was validly admitted into the United States, lawfully present, met the residency requirement, of good moral character, etc. And he did not lie on his application based on what was known and accepted as true by the US government at the time.
Sadly this seems to be legally correct. They could have found that the repeated assurances by the government were binding.
I bet Trump will happily deport this old man.
With a 25 page ruling from an appellate court, perhaps this is an example where an attaché case is not a brief case.
.....no notes. I laughed.
Let us hope that Nicaragua mysteriously discovers a document which shows that at the time of Moncada's birth, his father had been suspended from his position at the UN but owing to an oversight neither the father nor the UN had been informed of the suspension.
Even if Nicaragua did, how would that help?
This is an appellate decision, and that means that the facts are already established. In fact, it looks like the appellate court did have some issue with the facts, but deferred (as they should) to the findings of fact below.
I don't like the decision. With a different administration, I think that this could be resolved.
With this one? The cruelty is the point.
Maybe they’ll go after him for voting, maybe they’ll show some mercy. Who knows — we could be surprised.
I don’t mean to sound flippant here
I don't know. I assume he's going to end up being deported. Because of course. And that makes me sad.
I was brought up to believe that this is a great country. That we are just, and fair, and ... to borrow a phrase, a shining city on a hill.
We might not always live up to our ideals ... we might fail them ... but we don't abandon them. We keep trying. Because we believe that striving for our ideals is better than ignoring them.
I'm increasingly finding it hard to maintain that belief.
I feel the same weight you describe. Cases like this cut right to the core of that “shining city” ideal — they show how far we can drift when discretion is used for something other than justice. It doesn’t mean the ideals were false, but it does mean they’re fragile, and it takes constant work to live up to them. You’re one of the people here who comments from principle, and I respect that. I’ve been lurking here since around 2003 and only recently started commenting actively — and voices like yours make me glad I did.
Why did the government decide to target his citizenship in 2018?
Fortunately, the Trump administration is now writing regulations for determining birthright citizenship, so these issues can be settled in a more timely way.
Respectfully, regulation is a poor way to handle birthright citizenship because it can shift not just with each administration but even during one. Something that fundamental shouldn’t hinge on rules that can be reinterpreted on the fly. It needs constitutional or statutory clarity.
Children of diplomats are not entitled to birthright citizenship. That should be clear to everyone.
During his passport renewal, the State Department reclassified his father as a U.N. attaché with diplomatic immunity rather than a lower-level consular employee, after reviewing old personnel records and reinterpreting his title.
The kicker is: this or a future State Department could reclassify him back. Courts defer to the executive’s interpretation of diplomatic status. At least that's what it sounds like to me.
What if there were a prior court decision on his father's status? Suppose that the father had been prosecuted for some crime, claimed diplomatic immunity, and was denied it by the court. Would that suffice to establish that he was not immune and that the son was therefore a birthright citizen?
I don’t know how they would walk that back either. I was thinking of the same thing — is the result determined by his current classification, or the classification contemporaneous to the issue when it mattered? Retroactive re-labeling just means you can go back and forth all day, and that leaves a lot of room for shenanigans.
The government, for its part, concedes that its decades of mistakes led to this “very unfortunate and regrettable situation.”
Yes. It's unfortunate that, as noted above, the Trump Administration did this in 2018. This is underlined by the opinion's discussion of the mixed evidence put forth in the district court.
The district judge was found to have reasonably held for the government. But it was not crystal clear. The administration strictly pushed its case, which in this case was far from (1) necessary, (2) prudent. It committed gratuitous harm to someone the government itself repeatedly said was a citizen. For what end?
There is law, and then there is discretionary application of it. The court very well appears to have decided correctly. But that doesn't mean an overall just result has taken place.
Sometimes the goal isn’t justice, sadly. Even some who support Mr. Trump’s broader immigration goals have pointed out the absurdity of this case.