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Born in N.Y., Lived in U.S. for Nearly 70 Years, Subscribed Oath of Allegiance 5 Times—But, It Turns Out, He Isn't a U.S. Citizen
Was the father a consul or an attaché? It is on such matters that the law sometimes turns.
From Moncada v. Rubio, decided Wednesday by the Ninth Circuit (Judge Anthony D. Johnstone, joined by Judges Johnnie B. Rawlinson and Morgan Christen):
Roberto Moncada was born in New York City in July 1950. His father, a Nicaraguan national, worked for Nicaragua's permanent mission to the United Nations. For nearly seventy years, Moncada lived and worked in the United States as an American citizen. Five times he subscribed the oath of allegiance, and five times the government issued Moncada a passport. In the district court's words: "A child was born in America and told by the United States government—his government—that he was an American citizen. And … it told him this again and again and again and again."
The government repeatedly affirmed that Moncada's father's apparent status as a Nicaraguan consul did not confer diplomatic immunity on his children. So, the government explained, Moncada was born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States according to the Fourteenth Amendment. U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. And under the Constitution, citizenship was his birthright.
But the government was, as the district court put it, "wrong all along." In 2018, the government reviewed its records and found that Moncada's father served as an attaché, not a consul, when Moncada was born. Unlike a consul, an attaché and his family possess full diplomatic immunity. So, the government now asserted, Moncada was not born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States. Therefore, he was not a birthright citizen. The government revoked Moncada's passport and told him he "did not acquire U.S. citizenship by virtue of [his] birth here."
Moncada sued for a declaratory judgment that he is a citizen. The Secretary of State responded by producing a recently executed certification of Moncada's diplomatic immunity at birth ("Certificate")…. [The District Court] held that the Secretary established by clear and convincing evidence that Moncada was not born a citizen because it found, as a matter of fact, that his father was an attaché with diplomatic immunity when he was born. We affirm….
Moncada was born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States under the Fourteenth Amendment unless he was born with diplomatic immunity—immunity from the jurisdiction of the United States. Under international law principles incorporated into federal law, and subject to limited exceptions, he held diplomatic immunity if he was born into a diplomatic household. That, in turn, depends on whether the President—Truman, at the time—received Moncada's father, Dr. Moncada, as a public minister, or whether Dr. Moncada served as a consul instead. We therefore begin with the law of diplomatic immunity and the facts that determine whether Moncada held that immunity at his birth.
International law distinguishes between public ministers and consuls. Federal law reflects this distinction. [Details omitted. -EV] …
"All persons born … in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are Citizens of the United States." … When ratified, the Citizenship Clause was understood to exclude non-citizens "who belong to the families of [a]mbassadors or foreign ministers accredited to the Government of the United States." This exclusion incorporated the longstanding international law principle of diplomatic immunity: "the immunity which all civilized nations allow to foreign ministers," and those "privileges which are essential to the dignity of [the foreign minister's] sovereign, and to the duties he is bound to perform." …
A person claiming United States citizenship bears the burden of producing "substantial credible evidence" of that fact. If the person does so, the burden shifts to the government to prove lack of citizenship "by clear and convincing evidence." This clear and convincing burden of proof "matches the gravity of the task" in proceedings, such as this one, that may deprive a person of the United States citizenship to which they may be rightfully entitled….
The district court found conflicting evidence of Dr. Moncada's diplomatic immunity, but it discounted Moncada's evidence as lacking sufficient weight. Along with the Certificate, the Secretary produced the bulk of the evidence at trial: [State Department official James] Donovan's credible testimony about diplomatic processes and records; the U.S. Mission to the U.N. "Blue List," the registry of individuals with diplomatic immunity, which includes Dr. Moncada's name and title as an attaché; the U.S. Host Country Affairs Section's KARDEX registry of biographical information for Dr. Moncada and his family; and U.N. General Assembly records where Dr. Moncada spoke to the body in a diplomatic capacity. Of particular importance are "Blue List" documents because they may "constitute [ ] presumptive evidence that [Moncada] enjoy[ed] diplomatic status." Each piece of evidence shows that Dr. Moncada enjoyed diplomatic immunity when his son was born.
But Moncada presented evidence to the contrary, including President Truman's May 1949 exequatur with Dr. Moncada listed as "Deputy Consul," Moncada's birth certificate that lists his father's occupation as "Consul," and the absence of Moncada's name among the Moncada children listed on the KARDEX. Also, some of Donovan's trial testimony conflicts with the "reasonable—if not inevitable—inference" of Moncada's citizenship status. For example, Donovan testified that he did not have any knowledge of how or where Dr. Moncada spent most of his time while he represented Nicaragua at the U.N. This was an important concession because that information would have been helpful circumstantial evidence of his job description and title. Moncada also relies on various documents noting that Dr. Moncada lacked full diplomatic immunity status, due in part to confusion of the "Blue List" of diplomats at the embassy in Washington D.C. (which did not list Dr. Moncada) with the "Blue List" of diplomats at the permanent mission to the U.N. in New York City (which did list Dr. Moncada). And again, the Secretary did not produce any contemporaneous certification of when, exactly, the President received Dr. Moncada as a diplomat.
Still, as the fact finder, "the district court was entitled to discount this evidence." And "[b]ased 'on the entire evidence,' we are not 'left with the definite and firm conviction that a mistake has been committed.'" Thus, on the record before it, the district court did not clearly err in finding that Dr. Moncada held diplomatic immunity when his son was born. Therefore, Moncada also held diplomatic immunity. And if he was immune from the jurisdiction of the United States at birth, then he is not a birthright citizen under the Fourteenth Amendment….
The district court also observed that "[i]t is impossible to conclude that this is justice," and we share its concern about this outcome. The government, for its part, concedes that its decades of mistakes led to this "very unfortunate and regrettable situation." But as inequitable as this result is, courts lack the equitable power to remedy the government's errors by granting Moncada citizenship.
Formality is a virtue of birthright citizenship. It requires no inquiry into lineage but is "restricted only by place and jurisdiction." Yet when circumstances leave a person immune from the jurisdiction of the United States at birth, this same formality requires a court to "give full effect" to that restriction. Thus, we affirm the judgment of the district court.
Ruth A. Mueller represents the government.
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There was another case with similar results within the last few years. This is important precedent for the birthright citizenship litigation. There is no laches against the government, only res judicata. Suppose the constitution doesn't really grant citizenship to children of illegal aliens. Then the government has been mistaken all these years in pretending they are citizens. They can be treated as non-citizens and deported (if any country will take them). Unless they have a declaratory judgment of citizenship.
And in the other direction, if President Trump says little Juanita is not a citizen, president Newsom can say she is. California can say she is.
Then the government has been mistaken all these years in pretending they are citizens. They can be treated as non-citizens and deported (if any country will take them).
This is absurd - a conclusion that only a lawyer could reach.
And of course the Moncada case is just as bad, or worse. I'm wondering, first, why the government decided to review its records. Sounds strange to me. "Here's this 68-year-old man. Let's just check to see if he really is a citizen." Sure.
Second, does the government bear no responsibility in the matter? They just get to shrug their shoulders and say, "Tough luck, Dr. Moncada. We know you're retired and might like to do some traveling, but no more passport for you. No voting for you. " That's not right.
Possibly the judge had no choice, but really, no sensible person would even bring this case.
I doubt anyone targeted this 68-year-old man. More likely come database query churned through everyone and tagged oddities, and some low-level bureaucrat just processed his hundredth case that day.
I am surprised there's no statute of limitations for things like this. Seems common sense says if the government has approved his passports all this time, deducted FICA taxes, and probably paying SSA benefits, it's a little late in the game to change their mind.
So the law is an ass. And you, who claim the law doesn't really exist, are relying on said ass-law to justify this.
That doesn't seem consistent with your usually constant drumbeat.
[FWIW I basically share bernard's position - this is an abuse of executive discretion.]
You are too dumb to understand this, but I will explain (again) for those who aren't used to your level of playing-dumb-until-it-hurts-and-do-it-again.
There are many ways of looking at the world.
* There's the real world, where I write useless letters to Congress Critters and sometimes get back form letters, which even more rarely are related to what I wrote upon.
* There's the hopeful world, where I laugh at politicians and judges and lawyers and bureaucrats and espouse on what they'd do in a saner world.
* There's my ideal fantasy world which helps me understand a baseline of common sense which lawyers almost universally lack.
Wotta shame you have to pretend to not understand these differences so you can look oh so clever to yourself.
Now you are on about law drafters.
You are usually on about judges.
I’m not sure you know what you think!
I know what you think -- nothing. You don't think.
"FWIW I basically share bernard's position - this is an abuse of executive discretion."
What discretion? On what planet does the executive have discretion to issue a passport to a non-citizen?
Decades ago the courts of Kansas ruled that an underage rape victim still had to pay child support. I heard a plausible explanation of how the case went so far. A paper pusher got a folder showing a child on welfare and was told to make the parents pay. By the time ordinary human beings realized what was going on the state couldn't back down without losing face.
By the time ordinary human beings realized what was going on the state couldn't back down without losing face.
Pitiful excuse. So they lose face. Who cares, who even notices what happened.
I doubt anyone targeted this 68-year-old man.
Maybe not. We don't know how this came to light. But the idea that someone just decided to look through a database and stumbled on it seems implausible to me.
What were they looking for, what database were they querying, what data were they gathering? Unfortunately, the decision does not explain, but I suspect it was not routine. Does the government routinely check decades-old records to make sure alleged citizens weren't really born to diplomats?
"But the idea that someone just decided to look through a database and stumbled on it seems implausible to me."
I know, right? A government official doing their job? You can knock me over with a feather.
A plausible explanation could be that they randomly select a subset of applications for review during processing.
But we really shouldn't be surprised at the government actually verifying the information on passport applications, surprising as it sounds.
I know, right? A government official doing their job? You can knock me over with a feather.
What job were they doing?
A plausible explanation could be that they randomly select a subset of applications for review during processing.
But we really shouldn't be surprised at the government actually verifying the information on passport applications, surprising as it sounds.
Not that plausible. There is nothing here about a passport application:
In 2018, the government reviewed its records and found that Moncada's father served as an attaché, not a consul, when Moncada was born.
And do they really routinely go back 68 years to check this, after he's been issued a passport five times? That doesn't sound like a job worth doing.
Where's DOGE when you need it?
"What job were they doing?"
They were reviewing is passport renewal application.
"Not that plausible. There is nothing here about a passport application:"
From the op:
And databases have advanced a LOT in the past decade.
I don't see that in the OP.
It is in the opinion, which I confess to not having read before I posted. Careless on my part.
Interestingly the wording of the opinion in some places differs slightly, though not materially, from the wording quoted in the OP.
Sorry, op as in opinion, not OP. My bad for the ambiguity.
I think I'm still with Bernard here ... if you've given him the passport once, it seems duplicative to review everything ab initio for renewals.
"only a lawyer could reach"
Not only a lawyer. People here who are not lawyers have applied the law to argue for unjust ends.
"Possibly the judge had no choice, but really, no sensible person would even bring this case."
The action was brought by the plaintiff seeking declaratory judgment that he is a citizen -- only after his passport was revoked. The Court of Appeals opinion does not indicate how that revocation came about.
It's not merely that they can be "treated as" non-citizens. They aren't citizens. They never were. Obviously that doesn't require that they be deported. But that's a matter of forbearance, not legal right.
Also, the Moncada situation is the sort of thing that with a functional congress, a private bill would solve.
Agree that both executive and legislative action could set this right, as >90% of people likely view the situation. But a functional congress would also seriously engage in comprehensive immigration laws to both simplify the current bureaucratic monstrosity and enable administrative correction of truly exceptional cases like this, so no private bill would be necessary in similar cases.
The problem is that too many in Congress have a view of immigration that's so different from the general public's that any comprehensive immigration bill is dead the moment the details get out; What Congress wants is political suicide, what the public wants is intolerable to a majority in Congress, so we end up with stasis.
And this particular case should be as easy fix, a resolution passed by unanimous consent naturalizing the guy. But Congress isn't going to do that for anybody who hasn't made an obscene amount of donations.
This seems right/plausible, but at the same time: how is the government not estopped (or some public law equivalent) from denying that this man is a citizen?
In regulatory contexts, the government frequently misstates a person's regulatory status or what they need to do to comply with a law or regulation. Estoppel is not a remedy against the government unless the government is acting in a proprietary capacity. Short of some formal decision (license or adjudication), the government is free to correct its mistakes.
"how is the government not estopped"
"The general rule is that the federal government may not be equitably estopped from enforcing public laws, even though private parties may suffer hardship as a result in particular cases. Office of Personnel Management v. Richmond, 496 U.S. 414 (1990); Heckler v. Community Health Services of Crawford County, Inc., 467 U.S. 51 (1984); INS v. Miranda, 459 U.S. 14 (1982); Schweiker v. Hansen, 450 U.S. 785 (1981); Federal Crop Ins. Corp. v. Merrill, 332 U.S. 380 (1947)."
https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/civil-resource-manual-209-estoppel
>The general rule is that the federal government may not be equitably estopped from enforcing public laws, even though private parties may suffer hardship as a result in particular cases.
Of course, that's the actual problem in this case. The government just gets to do things that nobody else is allowed to do.
Doesn't that kind of define government, though? If it only got to do things people in the private sector got to do, it would BE in the private sector.
I agree that is the general rule, but in immigration cases in particular, the courts lack equitable powers at all.
"[T]he power to make someone a citizen of the United States has not been conferred upon the federal courts, like mandamus or injunction, as one of their generally applicable equitable powers. . . . Once it has been determined that a person does not qualify for citizenship, . . . the district court has no discretion to ignore the defect and grant citizenship. . . . Neither by application of the doctrine of estoppel, nor by invocation of equitable powers, nor by any other means does a court have the power to confer citizenship in violation of these limitations."
INS v. Pangilinan, 486 U.S. 875 (1988)
Pangilinan dealt with a case where petitioners were seeking citizenship that the Executive branch of the US government wouldn’t grant. This is a completely different case. This is a case where the Executive branch of the US government long ago conferred citizenship that it is now seeking to take away. Because this case does not involve a court conferring citizenship, Pangilinan does not apply.
No, this is a case where Mocada improperly claimed citizenship, and the government did not verify his claims.
No, the government gave him a passport, thereby accepting his status as a citizen. A passport is an official declaration that one is a citizen. There is no basis for revoking that acceptance. He didn’t lie on his passport application. He satisfied the qualifications for naturalization.
No, he was not naturalized. He claimed citizenship by birth, and that claim turned out to be wrong.
Born in 1950, he'd been 19 in 1969.
What was his draft status? Was he registered?
He didn't get diplomatic immunity from that...
How is this relevant to anything?
I'm not sure US citizenship is "conferred" to non-naturalized citizens by the executive branch.
It is recognized (or not) by the executive branch, because non-naturalized citizens are citizens (or not) by operation of law.
Hard cases make bad law, as they say...
Are you saying that the court had equitable powers in this case? The trial judge here didn't think he had equitable powers and the Ninth circuit didn't correct him. This is a bold claim that merits a citation.
I’m saying he is a naturalized citizen as a matter of law, not equity. He met the qualifications for naturalization. He took the oath of citizenship. The government accepted it. Yes, the government confers citizenship when it naturalizes people.
Well then that has nothing to do with my comment or the SCOTUS opinion about the absence of equitable relief that would be available in other cases for delay or changed positions (laches and estoppel). Your issue is with the merits, not the lack of any defenses.
No. For the same reason that Trump can't end birthright citizenship. The Executive branch lacks the power to confer or revoke birthright citizenship.
Equitable estoppel doesn't run against the federal government. (In theory, there may be situations when it could, but SCOTUS has never actually found one.)
I surmise that the man can apply for naturalization, but it is sad that he should have to jump through those hoops.
It's like an insurance company, happy to take his premiums for 50 years, then refusing to pay out because of a clerical error on his form decades ago.
Sorry, you took the money happily all this time, tough.
It's like an insurance company, happy to take his premiums for 50 years, then refusing to pay out because of a clerical error on his form decades ago.
Actually, laws forbid rescissions if the error in question is too old.
It is called a contestability period.
TILT: Consuls are not diplomats but attachés are. If I had ever given any thought to consuls and attachés, I probably would have guessed the opposite, that consuls are diplomats and attachés are not.
As a historical matter, attachés are the staff of the ambassador (or, since we're talking historically, other head of mission) and, as the customs around diplomatic immunity grandly called "international law" evolved in the 18th and 19th centuries, were given the same immunity as the ambassador because they were seen as necessary to the ambassador's function as a representative of the sending government to the host government.
Consuls are an entirely separate function, focused more on commerce and aid of the sending party's nationals in the host nation, and thus were never seen as needing ambassador-level immunity. In fact, consuls were moderately often citizens of the host nation. (This survives as the "honorary consul", something which the US dislikes but some nations extensively use.)
Which is why there are entirely separate UN Conventions codifying diplomatic relations versus consular relations. To the point that it is explicitly possible (as pointed out in the UN Convention on Consular Relations) for two countries to have consular relations while not having diplomatic relations.
Jesus, that's depressing.
I am all for Trump's immigration policy, but this is an absurd result. If the law recognizes it, the law needs to change.
You say recognizes, but not dictates.
The law recognizes dumb shit all the time; it's going to be unclear an incomplete and sometimes perverse by the nature of society and language.
That's why discretion is important. It can be abused, but it is also necessary to catch exceptions like this.
"You say recognizes, but not dictates."
What's the argument that the law doesn't dictate this result?
Why do you think anyone has discretion to do anything about this, except maybe Congress?
Yes but we must oppose the tendency to "constitutionalize everything."
Countless somethings "ought" to be this or that way in law, policy, practice, or discretion. That doesn't mean the constitution can be shoehorned into mandating every last thing, though that is exactly what many people try to do.
While under Trump in 2018, I doubt Trump knew anything about it. And to my knowledge, cracking down on diplomats, or family members, who have citizen status is not part of his policy.
My best guess is he filed for social security at 68 and it raised a red flag for some low level bureaucrat. I have zero proof it happened—seems like a reasonable assumption.
Birthright is not the only path to citizenship.
By accepting his oath and issuing him a passport, the United States naturalized him. He has prima facia evidence that he is a naturalized citizen. Issuing him a passport has consequences that the United States is not free to simply ignore.
That naturalization is entitled to a presumption of regularity, and the burden is on the United States to contest it and prove there are grounds to revoke it. The United States, however, did not do so. His naturalized status remains.
Even if the passport was issued due to bribery or fraud, the United States would still be obligated to prove it before his citizenship could be revoked. But the District Court made clear there is no evidence of any misconduct on Mr. Moncada’s part. While naturalization may not have been authorized under these circumstances, I would think Mr. Moncada’s lawyers have at least an arguable case that he was fully eligible and any irregularities in the form of his naturalization should be discounted as immaterial.
Lord Haw-Haw, who was not born a British subject, was executed for treason after World War II on grounds that by merely applying for a passport and asserting he was a British citizen, he became one enough to owe a duty of loyalty to His Majesty. Mr. Moncada did exactly that. And not only that, the US government officially accepted and ratified his application. If merely applying for a passport and saying the oath of citizenship in doing so makes you enough of a citizen to subject you to execution for treason, surely it makes you enough of a citizen for other purposes as well.
"British subject"
US and UK are not the same.
They wanted to execute him so I bet they made up that "law". Good one time only.
They are not the same. But the presumption of the regularity of citizenship still applies. The United States never even argued he was not a naturalized citizen. They focused solely on the status of his father and argued only that he wasn’t a citizen from birth.
Yes they did claim that he was not a naturalized citizen. He was never naturalized.
William Joyce (Lord Haw-Haw) actually received a British passport. It was this that the House of Lords held made him enough of a British subject to be liable to execution for treason. In doing so, the Law Lords focused on a 1351 statute which they indicated merely codified existing common law. If I were Mr. Moncada’s lawyers I would certainly raise this case and others and suggest that Congress did not extinguish the common law on the subject.
https://www.uniset.ca/nold/1946AC347.pdf
Re Lord Haw-Haw - I can thoroughly recommend Rebecca West's book "The Meaning of Treason", which covers his trial amongst others.
He certainly meets all the requirements of 8 USC Section 1427 et seq. He was validly admitted into the United States, lawfully present, met the residency requirement, of good moral character, etc. And he did not lie on his application based on what was known and accepted as true by the US government at the time.
Yeah, none of that is actually a statement of the law. None. Zero. Zilch. Brettlaw is better than this.
Sadly this seems to be legally correct. They could have found that the repeated assurances by the government were binding.
I bet Trump will happily deport this old man.
With a 25 page ruling from an appellate court, perhaps this is an example where an attaché case is not a brief case.
.....no notes. I laughed.
Let us hope that Nicaragua mysteriously discovers a document which shows that at the time of Moncada's birth, his father had been suspended from his position at the UN but owing to an oversight neither the father nor the UN had been informed of the suspension.
Even if Nicaragua did, how would that help?
This is an appellate decision, and that means that the facts are already established. In fact, it looks like the appellate court did have some issue with the facts, but deferred (as they should) to the findings of fact below.
I don't like the decision. With a different administration, I think that this could be resolved.
With this one? The cruelty is the point.
Maybe they’ll go after him for voting, maybe they’ll show some mercy. Who knows — we could be surprised.
I don’t mean to sound flippant here
I don't know. I assume he's going to end up being deported. Because of course. And that makes me sad.
I was brought up to believe that this is a great country. That we are just, and fair, and ... to borrow a phrase, a shining city on a hill.
We might not always live up to our ideals ... we might fail them ... but we don't abandon them. We keep trying. Because we believe that striving for our ideals is better than ignoring them.
I'm increasingly finding it hard to maintain that belief.
I feel the same weight you describe. Cases like this cut right to the core of that “shining city” ideal — they show how far we can drift when discretion is used for something other than justice. It doesn’t mean the ideals were false, but it does mean they’re fragile, and it takes constant work to live up to them. You’re one of the people here who comments from principle, and I respect that. I’ve been lurking here since around 2003 and only recently started commenting actively — and voices like yours make me glad I did.
The revocation occurred in 2018. There has been a different administration in the interim. Whoever was running the Biden administration could have resolved it.
Why did the government decide to target his citizenship in 2018?
Fortunately, the Trump administration is now writing regulations for determining birthright citizenship, so these issues can be settled in a more timely way.
Respectfully, regulation is a poor way to handle birthright citizenship because it can shift not just with each administration but even during one. Something that fundamental shouldn’t hinge on rules that can be reinterpreted on the fly. It needs constitutional or statutory clarity.
Children of diplomats are not entitled to birthright citizenship. That should be clear to everyone.
Right, but in Moncada’s case the issue is that the government recognized him as a citizen for 70 years, then suddenly reclassified his father’s status and reversed course. The real question is whether that reclassification was done for this very purpose and that’s the part that feels most unjust.
During his passport renewal, the State Department reclassified his father as a U.N. attaché with diplomatic immunity rather than a lower-level consular employee, after reviewing old personnel records and reinterpreting his title.
The kicker is: this or a future State Department could reclassify him back. Courts defer to the executive’s interpretation of diplomatic status. At least that's what it sounds like to me.
What if there were a prior court decision on his father's status? Suppose that the father had been prosecuted for some crime, claimed diplomatic immunity, and was denied it by the court. Would that suffice to establish that he was not immune and that the son was therefore a birthright citizen?
I don’t know how they would walk that back either. I was thinking of the same thing — is the result determined by his current classification, or the classification contemporaneous to the issue when it mattered? Retroactive re-labeling just means you can go back and forth all day, and that leaves a lot of room for shenanigans.
I'm thinking more him -- 19 in 1969 and the Vietnam draft.
If he'd been drafted and gone, would that have changed this?
No. This has been yet another episode of Simple Answers to Stupid Questions.
He turned 68. Maybe he filed for social security!
The government, for its part, concedes that its decades of mistakes led to this “very unfortunate and regrettable situation.”
Yes. It's unfortunate that, as noted above, the Trump Administration did this in 2018. This is underlined by the opinion's discussion of the mixed evidence put forth in the district court.
The district judge was found to have reasonably held for the government. But it was not crystal clear. The administration strictly pushed its case, which in this case was far from (1) necessary, (2) prudent. It committed gratuitous harm to someone the government itself repeatedly said was a citizen. For what end?
There is law, and then there is discretionary application of it. The court very well appears to have decided correctly. But that doesn't mean an overall just result has taken place.
Sometimes the goal isn’t justice, sadly. Even some who support Mr. Trump’s broader immigration goals have pointed out the absurdity of this case.
You do realize the case started in 2018 and there has been three different administrations. The case started long before Trump took office in 2025.
You do realize the case started in 2018 and there has been three different administrations. The case started long before Trump took office in 2025.
Yes. That is why I said the Trump Administration did something in "2018," which for whatever reason continued (various reasons are offered as why in other comments) ultimately to the ruling in 2025.
" the Trump Administration did this in 2018."
The Biden Administration had 4 years to do something about this case and didn't. I wonder why.
Inertia, uncertainty, lack of will, indifference — who knows. But unless he was formally naturalized, it could always be undone the same way it was done: by reclassification.
The Biden administration was in office at the time of the trial (2022) and capably defended the State Department's revocation of the passport. The caption of the case at trial was Roberto Moncado v. Antony Blinken.
The most likely scenario is that the legal opinions here were long held within the State department, not necessarily concerning immigration, but arising from broader issues over the scope and nature of diplomatic immunity and privileges at the UN. Maybe someone in the Trump administration connected with someone in State that helped advance the issue, but Blinken could have decided not to contest the case. He may have been reluctant to undercut career staff, and maybe there were concerns about the implications of such an action for other diplomatic issues. In any event, they probably didn't think that there was any risk that revoking the passport might lead to removal from the country.
Thanks for digging this up — that really helps clarify the context. If that’s what went down, it sure looks like a classic case of bureaucratic inertia for the win.
I don’t think “inertia” has anything to do with it. There are objective and real concerns about granting citizenship to people who are not subject to U.S. law.
What I don’t understand is why they couldn’t just make him a naturalized citizen. Surely his diplomatic immunity is no longer valid. Even if it was, I am sure there are a few dozen documents, in triplicate, he could sign to waive immunity.
It doesn’t even matter; they could naturalize him (with his consent, I mean) even if he were diplomatically immune. (Which he isn’t; that was derivative of his father’s job and would’ve ended when his father’s job did.)
As would his right to be here.
Yet Eisenhower didn't kick him out.
Eisenhower couldn't kick him out, because at the time everyone thought he was a citizen.
Two other points about this decision:
1) It — as courts have uniformly done for at least the past 127 years — adopts the standard view that "subject to the jurisdiction" means "subject to the laws."
2) Trump continues to think he's a king; his State Department created some sort of "certificate" saying the dad was an attache rather than a consul — in other words, this document was created now, not in 1950 — and told the court that it had to accept the certificate as true because the State Department said it was. The district court and circuit court both rejected that. (To be clear, the State Dept wasn't lying about the provenance of the document; it wasn't pretending the document was contemporaneous. It just took the position that this president can create reality with proclamations.)
Well, it sounds like Trump's State Department executed the "certificate" but it was Biden's state department that introduced it at trial and told the court that it had to accept the certificate as true because the State Department said it was.
So maybe Anthony Blinken thought Trump was a king.
I stand corrected. In 1952, not long after the Lord Haw Haw case, Congress passed a statute clarifying that formal naturalization through the Attorney General is the sole procedure for effecting naturalization, repealing any form of naturalization based on the common law, the law of nations, etc. (not just equity). So this avenue is not available here. I wonder if Congress had the Lord Haw Haw case in mind.