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Judge Quashes FTC Investigative Demand to Media Matters, Finding "Straightforward First Amendment Violation"
A short excerpt from Friday's long decision by Judge Sparkle Sooknanan (D.D.C.) in Media Matters for America v. FTC:
Speech on matters of public concern is the heartland of the First Amendment. The principle that public issues should be debated freely has long been woven into the very fabric of who we are as a Nation. Without it, our democracy stands on shaky ground. It should alarm all Americans when the Government retaliates against individuals or organizations for engaging in constitutionally protected public debate. And that alarm should ring even louder when the Government retaliates against those engaged in newsgathering and reporting.
This case presents a straightforward First Amendment violation. Media Matters for America is a nonprofit media company that is over two decades old. In November 2023, it ran a story reporting that as a result of Elon Musk's acquisition of Twitter (now "X"), advertisements on the social media platform were appearing next to antisemitic posts and other offensive content. Mr. Musk immediately promised to file "a thermonuclear lawsuit against Media Matters." And he followed through. In the weeks and months that followed, X Corp. and its subsidiaries sued Media Matters all over the world, at least until a federal district court preliminarily enjoined this aggressive litigation strategy. Meanwhile, seemingly at the behest of Steven Miller, the current White House Deputy Chief of Staff, the Missouri and Texas Attorneys General issued civil investigative demands (CIDs) to Media Matters, both of which were preliminarily enjoined in this Court as likely being retaliatory in violation of the First Amendment.
But these court victories did not end the fight for Media Matters. Now the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has taken up the cause. After Andrew Ferguson took on his new role as the Chairman of the FTC, the agency issued a sweeping CID to Media Matters, purportedly to investigate an advertiser boycott concerning social media platforms. That CID should have come as no surprise.
Before President Trump selected him to head the FTC, Mr. Ferguson appeared on Steve Bannon's podcast, where he said that it is "really important that the FTC take investigative steps in the new administration under President Trump" because "progressives" and others who are "fighting "disinformation" were "not going to give up just because of the election." One of his supporters, Mike Davis, who urged President Trump to nominate him to the role, made several public comments about Media Matters, including that Mr. Musk should "nuke" the media company. And after taking the reins, Chairman Ferguson brought on several senior staffers at the FTC who previously made public comments about Media Matters.
Media Matters brought this lawsuit to challenge the FTC's CID, alleging that it is retaliatory in violation of the First Amendment and that it is overbroad in violation of the Fourth and First Amendments. Before the Court is a motion seeking preliminary injunctive relief from the CID. The Court agrees that a preliminary injunction is warranted….
Media Matters … alleges that the "Defendants violated, and continue to violate, [its] First Amendment rights by launching an investigation and serving a burdensome CID in retaliation for [Media Matters'] speech, press, and associational activities." "[T]he law is settled that … the First Amendment prohibits government officials from subjecting an individual to retaliatory actions … for speaking out." To prevail on a retaliation claim, a plaintiff must show: "(1) he engaged in conduct protected under the First Amendment; (2) the defendants took some retaliatory action sufficient to deter a person of ordinary firmness in plaintiff's position from speaking again; and (3) a causal link between the exercise of a constitutional right and the adverse action taken against him." At this preliminary stage, Media Matters has demonstrated that it is likely to show all three elements, so the Court finds that it is likely to succeed on the merits of this claim….
Here's the court's analysis of the second prong; for more on the third prong (the first was uncontested), read the full opinion:
Media Matters is … likely to show that the Defendants took a retaliatory action sufficient to deter a person of ordinary firmness in Media Matters' position from speaking again. This is because the FTC issued a sweeping and burdensome CID calling for sensitive materials. See White v. Lee (9th Cir. 2000) (holding an "investigation by … HUD officials" "more than meets" the standard requiring an act that "would chill or silence a person of ordinary firmness from future First Amendment activities" where the defendants "directed the plaintiffs under threat of subpoena to produce all their publications regarding [a certain] project, minutes of relevant meetings, correspondence with other organizations, and the names, addresses, and telephone numbers of persons who were involved in or had witnessed the alleged discriminatory conduct"); Cooksey v. Futrell (4th Cir. 2013) (holding "[a] person of ordinary firmness would surely feel a chilling effect" where an official told the plaintiff "that he and his website were under investigation and that the State Board does have the statutory authority to seek an injunction[.]").
This is especially true where, as here, "[t]he CID seeks" "a reporter's resource materials." A reporter of ordinary firmness would be wary of speaking again if she had to reveal the materials requested by this fishing expedition of a CID. See, e.g., Compl., Ex. D at 2, ECF No. 1-4 ("Provide all analyses or studies that Media Matters conducted, sponsored, or commissioned relating to advertising on social media or digital advertising platforms, including but not limited to any financial analyses or studies, and all data sets and code that would be necessary to replicate the analysis."); id. ("Provide documents sufficient to show the methodology by which Media Matters evaluates or categorizes any news, media, sources, platforms, outlets, websites, or other content publisher entities."); id. at 2–3 ("Provide all communications between Media Matters and any other person regarding any request for Media Matters to label any news, media, sources, outlets, platforms, websites, or other content publisher entities for 'brand suitability,' 'reliability,' 'misinformation,' 'hate speech,' 'false' or 'deceptive' content, or similar categories, regardless of whether the request was fulfilled."); id. at 3 ("Provide all documents, including correspondence, relating to Media Matters working with ad tech, technology, or developer companies or social media platforms to develop or advance any of [Media Matters'] programs, policies, or objectives, including but not limited to any agreements between Media Matters and these companies."); id. ("Provide each financial statement … prepared by or for Media Matters on any periodic basis."); see also id. at 4 (defining "Media Matters" to mean "Media Matters for America, together with its successors, predecessors, divisions, wholly- or partially-owned subsidiaries, committees, working groups, alliances, affiliates, and partnerships, whether domestic or foreign; and all the directors, officers, employees, consultants, agents, and representatives of the foregoing. Identify by name, address, and phone number, each agent or consultant.")….
The Defendants' main counterargument on the retaliatory act element is that "there is a significant question whether a retaliatory investigation claim is even cognizable." And they point to out-of-circuit cases holding state and local actors were protected by qualified immunity because retaliatory criminal investigations were not clearly violative of the First Amendment. See Archer v. Chisholm (7th Cir. 2017) (holding defendants are protected by qualified immunity where they allegedly engaged in a retaliatory criminal investigation because the plaintiff's asserted right was not "clearly established" given Supreme Court precedent stated that "the first amendment does not protect statements made as part of one's job" and the plaintiff's purportedly protected "activities were part of her job as a public employee" (cleaned up)); Rehberg v. Paulk (11th Cir. 2010) ("But even if we assume Rehberg has stated a constitutional violation by alleging that Hodges and Paulk initiated an investigation and issued subpoenas in retaliation for Rehberg's exercise of First Amendment rights, Hodges and Paulk still receive qualified immunity because Rehberg's right to be free from a retaliatory investigation is not clearly established."); Thompson v. Hall (11th Cir. 2011) (per curiam) ("Defendants Sheriff Hall and Deputy Utsey are entitled to qualified immunity insofar as Plaintiffs have alleged they carried out an investigation in 2005 in retaliation for Plaintiff Daniel Thompson's comments at the town hall meeting."); J.T.H. v. Missouri Dep't of Soc. Servs. Children's Div. (8th Cir. 2022) (holding "the complaint falls short of establishing that Cook violated a clearly established right" because "we have never recognized a retaliatory-investigation claim of this kind"); see also Sivella v. Twp. of Lyndhurst (3d Cir. 2011) ("We … conclude that … when [the mayor] sent a letter requesting the initiation of an investigation of no-show municipal jobs by the Township Chief of Police, allegedly in retaliation for Sivella's protected speech, it was not clearly established that such an adverse action amounted to a First Amendment violation.").
But the standard for qualified immunity is higher than what is required for preliminary injunctive relief. Indeed, the Ninth Circuit simultaneously held that it is not "clearly established that a retaliatory investigation per se violates the First Amendment" and that "[t]he scope and manner of the investigation" in White v. Lee (9th Cir. 2000), "violated plaintiffs' First Amendment rights."
The Defendants also cite language from three out-of-circuit opinions unrelated to qualified immunity. But the first case merely held that a retaliatory investigation did not amount to an adverse employment action under the First Amendment retaliation test for public employees—a test that is not at issue here. See Breaux v. City of Garland (5th Cir. 2000) ("[I]nvestigating alleged violations of departmental policies and making purportedly false accusations are not adverse employment actions."). And it even acknowledged that such an investigation could have a chilling effect. See id. ("This court has declined to expand the list of actionable actions, noting that some things are not actionable even though they have the effect of chilling the exercise of free speech" "to ensure that § 1983 does not enmesh federal courts in relatively trivial matters.").
It is true that the second and third cases squarely held that "a criminal investigation in and of itself does not implicate a federal constitutional right." Thompson; Rehberg. But that language does not foreclose the possibility that certain investigatory acts may cross the line when they come with particularly adverse consequences. And the FTC's CID has had plenty of knock-on effects according to Media Matters' declarants; it is "driving additional costs," it has caused "retention challenges," and it has resulted in Media Matters being "removed from coalition communications" "about FTC actions." It is hard to imagine any media company not being chilled by this sweeping and sensitive CID. The Court is therefore unpersuaded that these non-binding opinions render Media Matters unlikely to succeed on the merits of their retaliation claim.
The Defendants' argument is further undercut by D.C. Circuit precedent new and old. In Media Matters for America v. Paxton, the Texas Attorney General had forfeited the argument that "a retaliatory investigation is not a cognizable claim," so the Court did not address it head-on. But when discussing Media Matters' injury-in-fact for standing purposes, the Court quoted broad non-standing language from a prior opinion: "In distinguishing between 'good faith' and 'bad faith' investigations, this court has explained that 'all investigative techniques are subject to abuse and can conceivably be used to oppress citizens and groups,' and that bad faith use of investigative techniques can abridge journalists' First Amendment rights." It explained that "the First Amendment 'protect[s] [information-gathering] activities from official harassment,' and that 'official harassment [of the press] places a special burden on information-gathering, for in such cases the ultimate, though tacit, design is to obstruct rather than to investigate, and the official action is proscriptive rather than observatory in character.'"
The older D.C. Circuit opinion pulled no punches, stating that "there can be no doubt that, as a general proposition," the issuance of subpoenas "not in furtherance of Bona fide felony investigations, but in order to harass plaintiffs in their journalistic information-gathering activities," "would constitute an abridgement of a journalist's First Amendment rights." Reps. Comm. for Freedom of the Press; see also Branzburg v. Hayes (1972) ("[N]ews gathering is not without its First Amendment protections, and grand jury investigations if instituted or conducted other than in good faith, would pose wholly different issues for resolution under the First Amendment."); United States v. Morton Salt Co. (1950) (saying an agency's "power of inquisition" is "analogous to the Grand Jury"). So the Court sees no reason why the FTC's CID cannot amount to a sufficient retaliatory act as a matter of law….
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Well that can't be right, because every time I'm on this blog people tell me that Americans don't have to worry about their free speech rights.
And Lo! and Behold! the free speech rights were indeed upheld.
Thank goodness for those lefty cultist and out of control courts.
Eugene, the following paragraph appears in your quote:
"Here's the court's analysis of the second prong; for more on the third prong (the first was uncontested), read the full opinion:"
It appears that this is your own statement, and belongs outside of the quotation.
Email is faster.
Fixed, thanks.
Why didn’t Media Matters move for sanctions? Or did they? Sanctions in the original case don’t have issues like sovereign immunity, qualified immunity, etc. They protect the judiciary from people who abuse its processes for patently unmerited and nefarious ends. And that’s exactly what happened here.
No, it isn't. It was Media Matters who brought this to court, not the FTC.
Media matters were the ones being nefarious here. They intentionally arranged a situation then presented that as the norm, but the commies don't care so long as they accumulate power.
But if one takes a very high level look at Media Matters’ actions, it engaged in tort-like behavior. It intentionally manipulated X’s algorithms in order to generate toxic content adjacent to advertisements for major X customers for the purpose of harming X. This is precisely the reason why equitable remedies exist. This is little different than if Media Matters had created false images using graphic editing software.
You can now use AI to generate a realistic image of a person in a compromising position. If you then publish this as if it was real in order to harm that person, the law needs to recognize that this is tort-like behavior and there should be legal or equitable consequences.
By "intentionally manipulated X's algorithms," of course, you mean they used X. They didn't hack into X's systems, introduce rogue code, or falsify screen shots. They used X, looked up a bunch of the offensive content that Musk let back on to the site, and then showed that ads for major companies were appearing adjacent to that content. There's nothing tortious about reporting true, publicly available information about a product.
There is when they leave our important context - like refreshing for hours until they got the ad they wanted.
Incunabulum — What one party finds after refreshing for hours, the entire internet has power to turn up in a split second. And in a case like this one, the juxtaposition would have been bound to go viral on its own.
Advertisers hate having their commercial messages juxtaposed with hate speech. And advertisers are represented by professionals in ad agencies whose business it is to make sure the advertisers get informed what the risks are, and get placements which the advertisers think are favorable.
A big part of the ad sales business is charging premiums for especially favorable placements. An implied flip side to avoid unfavorable placements is part of that package.
But even if there were, what does that have to do with the FTC? That might justify a lawsuit by Twitter against MMFA, but not an FTC investigation of MMFA.
"But if one takes a very high level look at Media Matters’ actions, it engaged in tort-like behavior. It intentionally manipulated X’s algorithms in order to generate toxic content adjacent to advertisements for major X customers for the purpose of harming X. This is precisely the reason why equitable remedies exist. This is little different than if Media Matters had created false images using graphic editing software."
1. I don't understand what "at a very high level" here means.
2. What is "tort-like behavior." What tort? Because as every associate in their first year at BigLaw in NYC is told- IT'S NEVER A PRIMA FACIE TORT. NEVER.
3. You do understand the difference between a tort (an action at law) and equity, right? If a tort is causing actual harm (monetary damages) to X, why are you saying that "this is precisely the reason why equitable remedies exist?" Torts are the reason equitable remedies exist?
4. As a factual matter, "intentionally manipulated X's algorithms" means what? Are you saying that they created a user on X, and showed how ads could be displayed to that user? How is that manipulation? Isn't it the case that there were other users who also saw those ads, even if a very small amount? If the point is that something is possible, and that it has happened, how is that manipulation?
5. If something actually happens (if that is what is actually displayed), how can that be the same as creating false images?
In related news, if pigs had wings, they would fly. But they don't. So I don't much worry about the amount of poop that all the flying pigs place on my head.
Finally, the issue in this case (and so many others) is that traditionally, the executive branch doesn't simply just "go after" enemies of the Executive for purposes of harassment to extort tribute. As much as some people might enjoy liberal tears, it's always helpful to remember that government overreach is not usually something you want to see.
Why? Well, as a matter of principle, it means one of two things-
A. Either you're okay with it, and you accept it, and acknowledge that future executive can and will do this ... including ones that are Democrats and not Trump; OR...
B. You're only okay with this if "your guy" is in power, in which case you've given up on having a democratic (small d) system of government, and that's ... not a good thing.
Trump recently posted on Truth Social that not only does he want to eliminate mail-in voting, he wants to eliminate voting machines.
As Trump made clear in his conversation with Governor Keane after the 2020 election, he simply interested in a world where he has to concern himself with his opponents winning. Eliminate all those pesky machines and make sure only good patriotic Americans are permitted to count the votes, and he doesn’t have to.
I will agree that not every harm can be redressed. But we want the law to discourage malicious behavior when this can be done in a way that does not limit basic rights. This is not an easy task, but it is one that we should be willing to debate.
Debates require a shared reality. You do not seem to have an accurate understanding of the underlying facts (see below).
In the same way that a raven is like a writing desk, I suppose.
I care about abuses no matter who commits them. “Sauce for the goose.” Media Matters was acting in a malicious way to injure X. I am not going to spend time researching tort law. We want the law to discourage malicious behavior that causes harm.
Look at how liability was expanded in defective products and notices. Basic tools and equipment (say ladders) have ridiculous warning labels on them because manufacturers were sued and held liable because people misused the products.
We need a similar expansion when it comes to manipulation of online data services to create harmful content. I recognize that it would be bad to make this expansion too wide. But an honest person thinking about this in a non-partisan way will see that X deserves some protection. If you are going to insult me, it means that you don’t want to discuss this issue and you want to act like school yard bullies.
Um, I actually know a lot about the evolution of tort law. I'd be happy to discuss the Traynor revolution, or the evolution in product design defect and failure to warn.
But here's the thing- you're not actually interested in that discussion. Or learning about the law. You already have a preconception (untethered to the facts or the law) of what you want to be true, and are just casting about with random words.
Now, if you want to have an actual legal discussion ... heh, who am I kidding. Like those exist on this blog anymore.
I have a point of view. I’d like to have a discussion where we weigh the various rights and interests. I’ve changed my mind in many situations. I’ve represented clients that I loathed. I will argue from a point of view that I disagree with so that I can have a good discussion and learn why that position is wrong.
Okay. So let's start.
1. Your premises are incorrect. You might not like what MM did, but what they did was perfectly lawful and non-actionable. The did not manipulate the algorithm. This was an outcome from the algorithm. In other words, they truthfully reported an actual fact.
2. Moreover, as X admitted, other users (albeit a small number according to X) also saw the same, or similar, ads. Which meant that this wasn't a manipulation- this was using X, as intended, and it showed the same thing other users could see.
So you have the press reporting true facts, and using actual images. That's the First Amendment right there- it's not actionable as a tort (it's not defamation, nor is it false light or anything similar). We do have torts, but this isn't a tort. To make this a tort would make reporting actual facts actionable ... and that would be bad. Especially where, as here, it's not even a privacy issue- X dynamically displays contents (and ads) based on what users do, and each person does different things, but it's all public. X published these images to Media Matters, and then Media Matters published it to the world.
There is no tort, and I have no idea what "equitable" principle could possibly be involved here. At the time of the filing of X's lawsuit, most people immediately saw it as legal harassment. And it was ... X (and its affiliates) filed all sorts of actions until they were finally enjoined (equity) from filing more.
I can't explain this any further. Just because we have a group of rich oligarchs (Musk, Thiel, etc.) who don't like the press doesn't mean we need to create special causes of action to let them silence the press from reporting the truth. That's kind of dystopian.
It might help to familiarize yourself with the facts of what Media Matters did - they created twitter/X accounts, had those accounts follow accounts that promoted Nazi ideas, refreshed the page a bunch of times and saw ads from some companies who had been told that their ads would not be shown adjacent to certain material.
Now, they had to refresh the page a bunch of times to get those ads, so their experience was not what the typical twitter/X users would see. But the ads were being shown adjacent to pro-Nazi material. Nothing "malacious" or "tortuous" going on here.
As Mike Masnick says over at techdirt.com:
https://www.techdirt.com/2024/02/12/media-matters-very-strong-response-to-elon-musks-very-dumb-lawsuit/
Buckeye, what did happen with MM would certainly happen in the normal course of placement vetting practiced by advertising purchasing professionals at ad agencies. It is their business to make sure what MM found does not happen to their clients. They can promote their services to would-be ad purchasers by showing how thoroughgoing their placement vetting has been. This was bound to go viral on its own.
Your sympathies belong with MM, and by implication with the ad agencies and ad purchasers whom the MM test saved from harm.
Again: using Twitter and showing people what happens is not "abuse." Twitter claimed that Twitter wouldn't show Nazi content next to major advertisers' ads - that Twitter “protected from the risk of being next to” offensive content. As Media Matters showed, that was false. Musk couldn't handle someone reporting bad things about his company, and so tried to drive Media Matters bankrupt with legal costs - and Republican elected officials joined him and tried to do the same. That is abuse.
Was it “false?” What did a user have to do in order to be able to view that kind of combination? MM was able to make profiles and entries and eventually get desired combinations. Total views? Almost none.
As for abuse, now about the efforts by Biden administration officials and outside groups like Hamilton 68 to get social media companies to down-throttle web traffic to disfavored content creators.
"Was it 'false?'"
As repeatedly pointed out to you ... no. Not false. Not kinda false. Not "false if viewed from a significantly high level." Not false light.
It was not false.
And this is why you fundamentally misunderstand the issues. It was not the press harming a business. It was Elon Musk (through X and its affiliates) attempting to use the judicial system to destroy a member of the press for publishing a true fact that Musk did not like.
A normal company would have said, "We view this as an unusual occurrence, and we are doing everything we can do ensure it does not happen again or to any of our users or our partners."
But the techbro oligarchy doesn't operate like that. It's the legal equivalent of "You can beat the charge, but you can't beat the ride." It was never about the merits; it was about inflicting as much harm through litigation as possible.
It was not false, no. MMFA did not photoshop or anything like that. Everything reported by MMFA happened, and would happen for anyone else who did what MMFA did.
And… now we're onto whatabouting.
Let’s look a little more closely at the analogy to product defects. Drugs can have rare but very serious side effects, or can cause serious problems if they are used in combination with certain other drugs. They have to be tested first to check for these sorts of things. If a media outlet represented rare side effects as common or didn’t report that they only occurred under specific conditions, it could be sued for libel.
It has been argued that software underlying key infrastructure should be tested to ensure it actually behaves as its designers and marketers claim, and that it should in some respects be treated like drugs. This obviously couldn’t be done for pure soeech; it would be a classic prior restraint. But because software algorithms are mechanical and can behave unexpectedly, it is not clear to me that they should be treated like pute speech. After all, software can usually be replicated by a sufficiently sophisticated (and much more expensive) hardware system. And it’s pretty clear that hardware isn’t speech. Why should algorithms be treated differently just because the same algorithm is implemented through software and not hardware?
Why do you believe that?
EDIT: I guess it depends what you mean by the first claim. If an article said something objectively false, like "50% of the people who take this drug die within 1 week," and the actual statistic was 0.5%, yes. But that's not anything resembling the issue here.
(And I once again point out that the FTC is not the defamation police. Whether MMFA can be "sued for libel" was not the issue in this case.)
A joke of a decision from another joke of a Democrat-appointed (Biden) activist D.C. district judge. Did Media Matters organize illegal secondary boycotts against Twitter? Almost certainly, but I guess we'll never know because they're apparently immune from even being investigated. As evidence the investigation is political and pretextual, the judge cites comments critical of Media Matters from members of the Trump administration. One can imagine the reaction if a judge had shut down the Biden DOJ's investigations of Trump, citing anti-Trump comments from the Biden administration as evidence they were political and pretextual.
Yet another in a seemingly endless transparently political series of decisions from D.C. district judges determined to destroy the reputation of the judiciary in exchange for plaudits from the fringes of the Left. These judges deserve nothing but scorn, derision, and, yes, contempt. I have very little doubt this atrocious decision will not survive for long.
What's an "illegal secondary boycott"?
Something Wolf made up, because he apparently hasn't heard of the 1A.
Well, I assume you know what a (primary) boycott is. A secondary boycott is a boycott of third parties affiliated with the primary target, which may violate antitrust laws.
The overriding point is that, even if down the road, certain conduct is found to be non-prosecutable on First Amendment grounds, there is no immunity from INVESTIGATION on First Amendment grounds. Investigation is a quintessential executive function, and here, yet again, the usual suspects in the judiciary are purporting to usurp it. This decision will not withstand appellate review.
So the government is alleging that a midsized nonprofit was trying to illegally exert monopoly power over one of the world’s largest social network by reporting on what they saw on it?
Leaving that aside (which is really where it should be left), the government is still free to investigate Media Matters. This is a decision blocking the FTC’s civil investigative demands. Subpoenas get blocked all the time, and here, yet again, the usual suspects are pretending this is some sort of overthrow of our system of government that their precious Trumpypoo doesn’t get to run the government by fiat in violation of people’s Constitutional rights.
FD Wolf's comments here used to be thoughtful and helpful. They've become more shrill and silly over time. And this thread is just another example, unfortunately. Defending the poor helpless X and Elon Musk is both laughable and misplaced. And whining about the judge is really embarrassing . . . Wolf Version 2025 is a pale shadow of who is used to be, and his arguments are a weak version of what he used to post. (Is someone else posting under his username, perhaps???)
As I've said before, he's unusual as a poster here in that his comments not related to politics are informative and interesting. Well, I guess I should say, "were," because that mostly applies to the time when captcrisis was doing his this-day-in-scotus-history commenting. Wolf would add detailed comments providing backstory and the like, without a hint of vitriol. And yet his comments on current events sound little different than the MAGA ranters whose only exposure to law is having watched a bunch of Law & Order episodes, or perhaps having been arrested themselves.
You seem to find the United States Constitution very, very funny.