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UCLA Stipulates to Permanent Injunction as to Alleged Exclusion of Jewish or Pro-Israel Students from Parts of Campus [UPDATE: + $6M Payment]
[UPDATE 7/31/2025 12:09 pm: The agreement also apparently includes an over $6M payment by UC; according to the N.Y. Times (Anemona Hartocollis), "The settlement, which still has to receive final approval from a judge, would give $50,000 to each of the named plaintiffs, including two law students, one undergraduate and one medical school professor. It would distribute $2.33 million among eight nonprofits, including Hillel at UCLA, the Anti-Defamation League and Chabad House at UCLA; $320,000 to a U.C.L.A. account dedicated to combating antisemitism; and the rest to costs and legal fees."]
From today's proposed stipulated judgment in Frankel v. Regents (C.D. Cal.):
a. The Regents of the University of California, President of the University of California, the Chancellor of UCLA, the Executive Vice Chancellor and Provost of UCLA, the Administrative Vice Chancellor of UCLA, the Vice Chancellor of Student Affairs of UCLA, and the Associate Vice Chancellor for Campus and Community Safety of UCLA—in their official capacities (collectively, the "Enjoined Parties")—are enjoined from offering any of UCLA's ordinarily available programs, activities, or campus areas to students, faculty, and/or staff if the Enjoined Parties know the ordinarily available programs, activities, or campus areas are not fully and equally accessible to Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff.
b. The Enjoined Parties are prohibited from knowingly allowing or facilitating the exclusion of Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff from ordinarily available portions of UCLA's programs, activities, and/or campus areas, whether as a result of a de-escalation strategy or otherwise.
c. For purposes of this order, all references to the exclusion of Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff shall include exclusion of Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff based on religious beliefs concerning the Jewish state of Israel.
d. Nothing in this order prevents the Enjoined Parties from excluding any student, faculty member, or staff member, including Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff, from ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas pursuant to UCLA code of conduct standards applicable to all UCLA students, faculty, and/or staff.
e. Nothing in this order requires the Enjoined Parties to immediately cease providing medical treatment at hospital and medical facilities, fire department services, and/or police department services. However, the Enjoined Parties remain obligated to take all necessary steps to ensure that such services and facilities remain fully and equally open and available to Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff.
Here's the backstory, from my post a year ago about the preliminary injunction in the case:
[* * *]
From [the] order by Judge Mark Scarsi (C.D. Cal.) in Frankel v. Regents:
In the year 2024, in the United States of America, in the State of California, in the City of Los Angeles, Jewish students were excluded from portions of the UCLA campus because they refused to denounce their faith. This fact is so unimaginable and so abhorrent to our constitutional guarantee of religious freedom that it bears repeating, Jewish students were excluded from portions of the UCLA campus because they refused to denounce their faith. UCLA does not dispute this. Instead, UCLA claims that it has no responsibility to protect the religious freedom of its Jewish students because the exclusion was engineered by third-party protesters. But under constitutional principles, UCLA may not allow services to some students when UCLA knows that other students are excluded on religious grounds, regardless of who engineered the exclusion….
On April 25, 2024, a group of pro-Palestinian protesters occupied a portion of the UCLA campus known as Royce Quad and established an encampment. Royce Quad is a major thoroughfare and gathering place and borders several campus buildings, including Powell Library and Royce Hall. The encampment was rimmed with plywood and metal barriers. Protesters established checkpoints and required passersby to wear a specific wristband to cross them. News reporting indicates that the encampment's entrances were guarded by protesters, and people who supported the existence of the state of Israel were kept out of the encampment. Protesters associated with the encampment "directly interfered with instruction by blocking students' pathways to classrooms."
Plaintiffs are three Jewish students who assert they have a religious obligation to support the Jewish state of Israel. Prior to the protests, Plaintiff Frankel often made use of Royce Quad. After protesters erected the encampment, Plaintiff Frankel stopped using the Royce Quad because he believed that he could not traverse the encampment without disavowing Israel. He also saw protesters attempt to erect an encampment at the UCLA School of Law's Shapiro courtyard on June 10, 2024.
Similarly, Plaintiff Ghayoum was unable to access Powell Library because he understood that traversing the encampment, which blocked entrance to the library, carried a risk of violence. He also canceled plans to meet a friend at Ackerman Union after four protesters stopped him while he walked toward Janss Steps and repeatedly asked him if he had a wristband. Plaintiff Ghayoum also could not study at Powell Library because protesters from the encampment blocked his access to the library.
And Plaintiff Shemuelian also decided not to traverse Royce Quad because of her knowledge that she would have to disavow her religious beliefs to do so. The encampment led UCLA to effectively make certain of its programs, activities, and campus areas available to other students when UCLA knew that some Jewish students, including Plaintiffs, were excluded based of their genuinely held religious beliefs.
The encampment persisted for a week, until the early morning of May 2, when UCLA directed the UCLA Police Department and outside law enforcement agencies to enter and clear the encampment. Since UCLA dismantled the encampment, protesters have continued to attempt to disrupt campus. For example, on May 6, protesters briefly occupied areas of the campus. And on May 23, protesters established a new encampment, "erecting barricades, establishing fortifications and blocking access to parts of the campus and buildings," and "disrupting campus operations."
Most recently, on June 10, protesters "set up an unauthorized and unlawful encampment with tents, canopies, wooden shields, and water-filled barriers" on campus. These protesters "restricted access to the general public" and "disrupted nearby final exams." Some students "miss[ed] finals because they were blocked from entering classrooms," and others were "evacuated in the middle" of finals.
Based on these facts and other allegations, Plaintiffs assert claims for violations of their federal constitutional rights, including violation of the Equal Protection Clause, the Free Speech Clause, and the Free Exercise Clause; claims for violations of their federal civil rights, including violations of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, conspiracy to interfere with civil rights, and failure to prevent conspiracy; claims for violations of their state constitutional rights, including violation of the California Equal Protection Clause and the California Free Exercise Clause; and claims for violations of their state civil rights, including violations of section 220 of the California Education Code, the Ralph Civil Rights Act of 1976, and the Bane Civil Rights Act….
The court rejected UCLA's standing objections, in part reasoning:
UCLA argues that Plaintiffs lack standing because they fail to allege an imminent likelihood of future injury…. UCLA contends that its remedial actions following the Royce Quad encampment make any "future injury speculative at best." These actions include the creation of a new Office of Campus Safety and the transfer of day-to-day responsibility for campus safety to an Emergency Operations Center. The changes, while commendable, do not minimize the risk that Plaintiffs "will again be wronged" by their exclusion from UCLA's ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas based on their sincerely held religious beliefs below "a sufficient likelihood."
First, since UCLA's changes, protesters have violated UCLA's protest rules at least three times: on May 6, May 23, and June 10. While these events may not have been as disruptive as the Royce Quad encampment, according to a UCLA email, the June 10 events "disrupted final exams," temporarily blocked off multiple areas of campus, and persisted from 3:15 p.m. to the evening. Similarly, also according to UCLA emails, the May 6 and 23 events disrupted access to several campus areas. Further, any relative quiet on UCLA's campus the past few months is belied by the facts that fewer people are on a university campus during the summer and that the armed conflict in Gaza continues.
Finally, while UCLA's focus on safety is compelling, UCLA has failed to assuage the Plaintiffs' concerns that some Jewish students may be excluded from UCLA's ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas based on their sincerely held religious beliefs should exclusionary encampments return. In response to these concerns raised at the hearing, UCLA did "not state[] affirmatively that" they "will not" provide ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas to non-Jewish students if protesters return and exclude Jewish students.
It remains to be seen how effective UCLA's policy changes will be with a full campus. While the May and June protests do not appear to have resulted in the same religious-belief-based exclusion as the prior encampment that gives rise to the Plaintiffs' free exercise concerns, the Court perceives an imminent risk that such exclusion will return in the fall with students, staff, faculty, and non-UCLA community members. As such, given that when government action "implicates First Amendment rights, the inquiry tilts dramatically toward a finding of standing," the Court finds that Plaintiffs have sufficiently shown an imminent likelihood of future injury for standing purposes….
And the court concluded that plaintiffs were likely to succeed on their Free Exercise Clause claim (and thus declined to consider any of the other claims):
The Free Exercise Clause … "'protect[s] religious observers against unequal treatment' and subjects to the strictest scrutiny laws that target the religious for 'special disabilities' based on their 'religious status.'" "[A] State violates the Free Exercise Clause when it excludes religious observers from otherwise available public benefits." …
Here, UCLA made available certain of its programs, activities, and campus areas when certain students, including Plaintiffs, were excluded because of their genuinely held religious beliefs. For example, Plaintiff Frankel could not walk through Royce Quad because entering the encampment required disavowing the state of Israel. Similarly, Plaintiff Ghayoum was prevented from entering a campus area at a protester checkpoint, and Plaintiff Shemuelian could not traverse Royce Quad, unlike other students…. Plaintiffs' exclusion from campus resources while other students retained access raises serious questions going to the merits of their free exercise claim….
Plaintiffs have put forward a colorable claim that UCLA's acts violated their Free Exercise Clause rights. Further, given the risk that protests will return in the fall that will again restrict certain Jewish students' access to ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas, the Court finds that Plaintiffs are likely to suffer an irreparable injury absent a preliminary injunction…….
Under the Court's injunction, UCLA retains flexibility to administer the university. Specifically, the injunction does not mandate any specific policies and procedures UCLA must put in place, nor does it dictate any specific acts UCLA must take in response to campus protests. Rather, the injunction requires only that, if any part of UCLA's ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas become unavailable to certain Jewish students, UCLA must stop providing those ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas to any students. How best to make any unavailable programs, activities, and campus areas available again is left to UCLA's discretion….
The court therefore issued the following order:
[1.] Defendants Drake, Block, Hunt, Beck, Gordon, and Braziel ("Defendants") are prohibited from offering any ordinarily available programs, activities, or campus areas to students if Defendants know the ordinarily available programs, activities, or campus areas are not fully and equally accessible to Jewish students.
[2.] Defendants are prohibited from knowingly allowing or facilitating the exclusion of Jewish students from ordinarily available portions of UCLA's programs, activities, and campus areas, whether as a result of a de-escalation strategy or otherwise.
[3.] On or before August 15, 2024, Defendants shall instruct Student Affairs Mitigator/Monitor ("SAM") and any and all campus security teams (including without limitation UCPD and UCLA Security) that they are not to aid or participate in any obstruction of access for Jewish students to ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas.
[4.] For purposes of this order, all references to the exclusion of Jewish students shall include exclusion of Jewish students based on religious beliefs concerning the Jewish state of Israel.
[5.] Nothing in this order prevents Defendants from excluding Jewish students from ordinarily available programs, activities, and campus areas pursuant to UCLA code of conduct standards applicable to all UCLA students.
[6.] Absent a stay of this injunction by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, this preliminary injunction shall take effect on August 15, 2024, and remain in effect pending trial in this action or further order of this Court or the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
The court also noted:
[T]his case [is not] about the content or viewpoints contained in any protest or counterprotest slogans or other expressive conduct, which are generally protected by the First Amendment. See Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343, 358 (2003) ("The hallmark of the protection of free speech is to allow 'free trade in ideas'—even ideas that the overwhelming majority of people might find distasteful or discomforting." (quoting Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616, 630 (1919) (Holmes, J., dissenting)); see also Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 414 (1989) ("If there is a bedrock principle underlying the First Amendment, it is that the government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable.").
Amanda G. Dixon, Richard C. Osborne, Eric C. Rassbach, Mark L. Rienzi, Laura W. Slavis, and Jordan T. Varberg (Becket Fund), Erin E. Murphy, Matthew David Rowen, and former U.S. Solicitor General Paul Clement (Clement & Murphy, LLC), and Elliot Moskowitz, Marc J. Tobak, and Adam M. Greene (Davis Polk & Wardwell LLP) represent plaintiffs.
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Does this mean that UCLA police will immediately demolish any barricades around any pro-Palestinian sit-in that excludes Zionists with as much force, up to and including lethal force, as necessary? Is that what the injunction requires?
Can Christian students have a private prayer meeting limited to believing Christians? Isn't that a university activity as much as a pro-Palestinian sit-in?
Y,
My guess is that, if those Christians erected huge barriers on your public university grounds that prevented other students from accessing facilities, and those Christians, used force (or threatened to use physical force) to prevent non-Christian students to access parts of Campus...yes, those Christians would also be legally liable.
I think we all agree that the fact that it is Christians vs Muslims vs Atheists vs Pastafarians (in terms of who is doing the bad acts) is immaterial.
If the meeting is held in a public area of campus (ie. not a reserved room or similar such place) then they cannot exclude Jews from the area or meeting.
If the meeting is held in a private area (ie. a reserved room) and they let anyone in except Jews it also seems that UCLA would need to prevent that.
I am pretty sure that under existing civil rights laws, if they have the meeting in a dorm room or similar personal living space then they could exclude anyone they want (Jews, Blacks, etc.) except those who also live in that room.
What if, in the reserved room, they let in members of Jewish Students for Peace, but not people who are affiliated with an organization known to be sympathetic to their cause?
Now I know David Bernstein would say (indeed has said), “Those aren’t real Jews. They’re Clarence Thomas Jews, and they don’t count.”
If they are a formal, recognized student group I don't think they can exclude attendees based on race/religion/etc. regardless of where they hold their meeting.
I remain unclear what powers campus administrators are supposed to exercise to punish wrongdoing. Especially troubling is any notion that there is no need for individualized proof of wrong-doing, or individualized accountability.
Without those, how does the approach announced not expand until it amounts to denial of a right to peaceable assembly? Indeed, how does that approach not amount to encouragement of a heckler's veto for assemblies any named faction opposes?
Leave the question of Jews and Palestinians aside. Consider only the question whether a public space on a public campus ought to be available as a peaceable assembly area, at least to students empowered to use that campus, if not to the public at large.
I think this is the kind of question fought out during the Berkeley Free Speech movement, but now apparently being decided to reverse those previous victories for expressive freedom.
None of what I say above is intended in any way to bar legal process supported by proof. That must always remain available against individuals who act to deprive others of either expressive rights, or rights of access. But that ought not be used as excuse to bar particular assemblies based on their expressive content.
I didn’t read every single word, but I can’t find any punishment mandates from the court for people who prevent access to areas. UCLA doesn’t offer any; at least in this excerpt.
Instead, the court directs UCLA to shut down access to everybody if access is denied to some
Right, the court won't allow them to let the protesters make university events selectively unavailable just to Jews. And especially won't allow the university to ASSIST in making the events selectively unavailable.
The university can continue to let the protesters obstruct students and render parts of the campus inaccessible, but they have to do so in a non-discriminatory manner.
I have not generally been impressed with the lawyers who hace been filing these suits, but they are smarter than that.
It’s pretty clear from the settlement description that if the protesters are students, then the University has to make the area inaccessible to THEM. It has to kick them out.
This could potentially be gotten around by having a keep-the-Jews-out “protest” staffed entirely by non-students. I wouldn’t put it past them.
Instead, the court directs UCLA to shut down access to everybody if access is denied to some.
Note the passive voice. No hint of any need for proof that the party doing the denying is UCLA. It's a legal mandate to blame UCLA no matter who causes the trouble.
It's almost like they expect the University to be responsible for its own campus.
Madness I tell you.
Are you in any way familiar with how Title IX lawsuits work? Student A claims that she was raped by Student B, and the university is blamed. That is, universities have an affirmative duty to prevent student-on-student conduct that violates a rather expansive interpretation of violating civil rights. And this conduct falls within a very narrow one.
It’s been this way for years. Professor Volojh has been posting about date rape cases for years. Why is this suddenly such a surprise?
Would you be making a similar incredulous protest about how could a university possibly be expected to do anything to protect its students if the Ku Klux Klan came in and lynched a few of them? On the spectrum of expansiveness of interpretation, this falls a lot closer to a lynching than a date rape.
Yes, that's the way antidiscrimination law generally works. Employers, schools, public accommodations, etc., must do more than look away if their employees, students, customers are being discriminated against. They must take affirmative steps to prevent these things from happening, even if they aren't the ones engaging in the discrimination. (The extent of their specific obligations depend on the nuances, so this is just general talk.)
"Consider only the question whether a public space on a public campus ought to be available as a peaceable assembly area, at least to students empowered to use that campus, if not to the public at large."
We're not talking here about peaceable assemblies, in case you were confused about that. We're talking about the assemblies that have actually been occurring.
What are you talking about, all Leftist violence is speech so there is no way they're not peaceable, everyone knows that.
How is this different than a situation where I will personally serve blacks in my restaurant but those three guys over by the door that just walked in here won't let any blacks in my restaurant so it isn't my fault?
Wouldn't the answer to both be the same? Both I and the university can control our property so that all people are guaranteed access as provided by the Constitution and the civil rights acts, respectively.
wvattorney13 — Your hypothetical is not a match for the facts discussed in the OP. Your hypothetical posits identifiable offenders who can be lawfully prosecuted. The OP relies on the passive voice to keep imaginary offenders offstage, so the university can be targeted for blame in their stead.
Worse, the OP announces a policy to blame the university in every instance, regardless of whatever specifics future incidents deliver.
Lathrop, the incidents that led to this order did indeed involve identifiable offenders who could have been prosecuted, if the university had been so inclined..
But, since the OP is about the order, not the incidents that led to it, it's the defendants who were identified, not the anti-semites they wrongly allowed to have free rein.
Lathrop seems to have a real problem with govt entities being made to protect the rights of citizens.
nah, he just has a problem with protecting the rights of Jews.
Reading Nozick’s “Anarchy, State, and Utopia” it seemed obvious his dominant protective agency would very quickly devolve into a protection racket. It didn’t occur to me that in the wrong hands our federal government would become a protection racket.
Governments don't become protection rackets. They ARE protection rackets. Just highly evolved ones. Like parasites that have become marginal symbiots.
That said, reread the update: the federal government isn't getting any of the money. The university is paying damages to people and groups it wronged.
Boy, if there was only a way that We the People could somehow control governments....
U.S. v. Cruikshank, while often criticized, is still good law. While commentators have focused specifically on the 2nd Amendment issues, it stood for the general proposition that a state has no obligation to protect its citizens against third parties. And it has been cited for this proposition into recent times, for example U.S. v. Morisson (2000).
The issue here is accordingly not UCLA’s constitutional obligations, but its statutory ones.
"Jewish students were excluded from portions of the UCLA campus because they refused to denounce their faith."
Ahh... The old passive voice trick, eh?
And who excluded those Jewish students? Well, the pro-Palestinian protesters/occupiers, of course. Those miserable creatures without deep pockets.
The hapless UCLA administrative bureaucracy no doubt could have been quicker to call in the cops to clear the wannabe terrorists out, but probably and reasonably wished to attempt deescalation and negotiation to avoid potentially serious physical injuries and property damage.
The District Court has now prohibited UCLA from exercising any such future de-escalation strategy that would entail even the temporary exclusion of Jewish students, faculty, and/or staff.
Score one for rigid judicial administrative diktats in resolving future campus conflicts.
The District Court hasn't done anything. This is a settlement — a proposed settlement — by UCLA.
Yes, and?
Did UCLA perchance mete out any discipline to those responsible for depriving others of what the trial court had not trouble recognizing as the civil rights of others on that campus? If they didn't, why didn't they, was it because the feckless administrators felt some sympathy for the protestors' cause; or because they feared riling up said violators of others civil right; or they imagined they had no choice but to go along with a crowd in the face of a revolutionary uprising? Given similar circumstances, how likely would they be to forebear in like fashion again? Might meaningful discipline be the better course of action next time?
Did any schools acquit themselves especially well the last time around? I think Dartmouth under its president Sian Bellock did so. And especially badly, would that have been Columbia under its shifting leaders?
The encampment was already under way for a week and depriving what the court did not hesitate to identify as a violation of Jewish civil rights before UCLA called in the police. But in your view that that was too hasty, not an unreasonable amount of time to for the school to "attempt de-escalation and negotiation to avoid potentially serious physical injuries and property damage"? And you think it unfortunate that UCLA now faces "rigid judicial administrative diktats in resolving future campus conflicts"?
Do you think the protestors, who wound up costing the school >$6M in damages and legal fees, and you imagine "potentially serious physical injuries and property damage," should have been disciplined by UCLA and/or the courts?
Do you see yourself as a civil libertarian where the rights of minorities are compromised, or perhaps only where your own are threatened?
If the Ku Klux Klan comes in and prevents black students from attending class under threat of violence, what non-violent, keep-the-peace de-escalation strategies do you think universities like UCLA should use?
What about when a student claims to have been raped? Universities repeatedly used to employ non-vioent keep-the-peace boys-will-be-boys de-escalation strategies - it’s exactly how they used to handle these things - and let’s just say that that wasn’t considered a satisfactory approach to meet Civil Rights obligations.
Why are you concerned about such patently silly hypotheticals? Do you think there is the remotest possibility that a case with such tortured facts would make it to court? In the UCLA matter, however, it did in fact happen a little more than a year ago that Hamas' supporters here did undertake to stake parts of that campus and make then judenrein. Is it too incredible to believe anything close thereto will happen again? Well it was pretty hard to believe that it ever happened, but maybe a $6M+ kick in-the-teeth for the school will make it still less likely now. (Too bad there were no major consequences for administrators before, like sackings, and students, like expulsion, but let's hope all have learned.)
It's an interesting solution. For cowardly officials who'd be happy to look the other way, having their hand forced breeds sweat beads.
So just sitting safely and well away, cancel the whole class/event/function, that way, nobody can get a real service, and perforce Jews are not excluded as there's nothing going on.
I presume that will incur financial risk for not fulfilling their duty to give students what they pay for, but we can worry about that tomorrow.
Bonus! The Jew excluders will be beaming they shut shit down! Oh boy! What could possibly go wrong?