The Volokh Conspiracy
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Standard for Proving Title VII Violation Same for Majority Plaintiffs as for Minority Plaintiffs
The Court rejected some federal circuits' rules that a majority-group plaintiff must "present[] evidence of 'background circumstances' suggesting that the [defendant] was the rare employer who discriminates against members of a majority group."
From today's unanimous (and, I think, correct) opinion in Ames v. Ohio Dep't of Youth Services (2024), written by Justice Jackson:
The Ohio Department of Youth Services operates the State's juvenile correctional system. In 2004, the agency hired petitioner Marlean Ames, a heterosexual woman, to serve as an executive secretary. Ames was eventually promoted to program administrator and, in 2019, applied for a newly created management position in the agency's Office of Quality and Improvement. Although the agency interviewed her for the position, it ultimately hired a different candidate—a lesbian woman—to fill the role.
A few days after Ames interviewed for the management position, her supervisors removed her from her role as program administrator. She accepted a demotion to the secretarial role she had held when she first joined the agency—a move that resulted in a significant pay cut. The agency then hired a gay man to fill the vacant program-administrator position. Ames subsequently filed this lawsuit against the agency under Title VII, alleging that she was denied the management promotion and demoted because of her sexual orientation….
The [trial] court analyzed Ames's claims under McDonnell Douglas Corp. v. Green (1973), which establishes the traditional framework for evaluating disparate-treatment claims that rest on circumstantial evidence. At the first step of that framework, the plaintiff must make a prima facie showing that the defendant acted with a discriminatory motive. Relying on Circuit precedent, the District Court concluded that Ames had failed to make that showing because she had not presented evidence of "'background circumstances'" suggesting that the agency was the rare employer who discriminates against members of a majority group. Without that evidence, the court held, plaintiffs who are members of majority groups—including heterosexual plaintiffs, like Ames—could not discharge their evidentiary burden at the first step of the McDonnell Douglas inquiry. The Sixth Circuit affirmed….
As a textual matter, Title VII's disparate-treatment provision draws no distinctions between majority-group plaintiffs and minority-group plaintiffs. Rather, the provision
makes it unlawful "to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise to discriminate against any individual with respect to his compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual's race, color, religion, sex, or national origin." The "law's focus on individuals rather than groups [is] anything but academic." Bostock v. Clayton County (2020). By establishing the same protections for every "individual"—without regard to that individual's membership in a minority or majority group—Congress left no room for courts to impose special requirements on majority-group plaintiffs alone.
Justice Thomas, joined by Justice Gorsuch, joined the opinion, but added some further analysis criticizing the McDonell Douglas framework itself, and more broadly condemning "judges creating atextual legal rules and frameworks"; I may blog separately about that later.
Xiao Wang (U. Va. School of Law Supreme Court Litigation Clinic) represents plaintiff.
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This makes sense.
I wonder why the Sixth Circuit thought differently.
Probably because they hadn’t gotten the memo that discriminatory enforcement of civil rights laws wasn’t going to be tolerated any longer. It was for a very long while.
Seems unlikely that the Sixth Circuit, of all places, would be a hotbed for this sort of thing.
There was a significant circuit split here, although oddly it doesn’t break down on liberal/conservative lines. The DC, 7, 8, and 10 Circuits all had the same rule as the 6th.
Given the split, it was more important that we have some rule rather than any particular rule. I practice in the 2d, which didn’t have this rule. I’m not sure it made much difference. As I said before, a jury could always draw what inference it wanted about whether an X was likely to discriminate against another X. Even on summary judgment, the oddness of the X v. X claim carried some, though not much, weight in the analysis of the 3d step in the McDonnell-Douglas three-step dance. I agree that it has no place in the first step.
I am waiting for the woman fired for “falsely” claiming to be a Native American, and for the white students disciplined for wearing blackface, to make Bostock claims.
How does the first case fit in Bostock? The firing is for lying, not for being a particular race or ethnicity. (And leave poor Sen. Warren alone, will you!)
How to you know that when she said she was a Native American, she was referring to her ancestry, and not her ethnic identity?
If you think trans people who claim to have a gender identity different from their biological sex are simply lying, why in the world was Bostock decided the way it was? Opponents of transexual trans people make exactly this argument – they are firing them not because of their sex, but because they are lying about and misrepresenting it. Just ask our Dr. Ed 2, who’s made this argument many times.
And why in the world would transracial people’s racial identity be handled any differently from transsexual’s people sexual identity? Bostock is about text. The text for race and sex is the same. Same text, same interpretation.
Because “Transracial people’s racial identity” is something you invented because you love coming up with weird and bad analogies.
Perfectly sensible result. In assessing all the evidence, a jury, of course, can take into account its own sense of the likelihood that one X would discriminate against another X and is free to decide that it is unlikely.
Meanwhile, Thomas and Gorsuch are touting a solution in search of a problem. They like doing that.
Usually that’s the case with them, but this time (and the last time they talked about it) I thought they made a decent case for re-evaluating precedent. Way less pointlessly contrarian than saying Pennoyer was right and Gideon was wrong.
A stupid comment you make. You’ve got 4 levels there: The original hiring situation, the views of the parties involved. the view of the lawyers making a case of it, and finally the jurors who know far less than even the hiring folks and the applicants do.
Who makes a claim in a job interview that they are lesbian. I would hire nobody that was such a fool.
Best way to get the law on your side nowadays …be a bisexual trannie and apply for a high federal job
Look at Biden’s hires , so proud he was
https://nypost.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2022/11/sam-brinton-comp.jpg?quality=75&strip=all&w=1200
I don’t remember the details of this case. It’s one thing to not get the promotion.
It’s another to get demoted, and then replaced.
I doubt this was some nefarious plot to pack the office with gays. That was probably a bonus. Do we have any background information on why they would hate the plaintiff specifically?
Here’s a rarity: a Thomas/Gorsuch concurrence claiming everyone has been wrong for 50 years that actually raises some good points. Probably because this time it’s grounded in criticism stemming from years of messy practical application and not just mindless ideological contrarianism.
But they didn’t say that. A bad lawyer that manufactures quotes.
He wrote
The rule requires a majority-group plaintiff to prove, in addition to the standard elements of a Title VII claim, that background circumstances “‘support the suspicion that the defendant is that unusual employer who discriminates against the majority.’” Ibid. This additional requirement is a paradigmatic example of how judge-made doctrines can distort the underlying statutory text
1The “background circumstances” rule is also plainly at odds with the
Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection. That guarantee “‘cannot mean one thing when applied to one individual and something else when applied to [another].’”
===============
Well at least we can see why YOU feared to bring in the dreaded Constitution 🙂
…what?
I’m not so sure. I see this is part of a trend to treat common-sense approaches as if they were hard-and-fast doctrines or rules and crusade to eliminate the hypothesized doctrine or rule for, well, reasons.
For example, we saw years of crusading against the Lemon “test” as if it were an actual test rather than a bunch of rules of thumb that, usually, but not always, make sense. To be sure, you can always find a lower-court hack judge who treated it as a mechanically-applied rule, but, by and large, it was used as a collection of generally useful considerations that often helped analyze cases and ignored when they didn’t. We have now officially interred Lemon, but I doubt it will affect what judges do, as opposed to how they express what they do.
If there is an actual practical problem of any significance with McDonell-Douglas, it has escaped me in a few decades of litigating employment cases. Again, the occasional hack judge will be too mechanical in his or her use of it, but by and large it makes sense and leads to sensible results. And if we ever formally bury it, it will still lurk in the background guiding results even if judges don’t talk that way anymore.
Fair enough. I appreciate this insight. My experience is much more limited than yours, but the few times I worked in this area I felt that there was some difficulty reconciling rule 56 and McDonnell-Douglass and that the latter invited too much judicial fact-finding than the former permits. But again, limited experience.
I’ll stand by my statement that even on your view of the situation, this concurrence is still less stupid than their other ones.
I think we are in violent agreement.
Under Bostock, why wouldn’t her claim be treated as sex discrimination, which would (mathematics aside) be treated by a claim by a minority?
Yep. As The Court put it today:
Pretty astonishing that this was even an issue. In a multiethnic country how could anyone think otherwise?
What would the 6th circuit judges say when demographics change such that members of the now razor-thin majority are merely a plurality?
At that point, will groups receiving preferential treatment suddenly surrender their privileges? When does that happen in politics?
Really unsettling that there are many in the country who agree with the 6th circuit majority
The concerns in this comment are less apt for this particular case involving sexual orientation, but are obviously more geared to the race/ethnic situation
Multiethnic does not mean we now elevate perverts and arsonists and necrophiliacs to a par with Italians and Germans and British !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
And logically if everything meets your standard then there is no standard !!!!!!
Ultimately hired a different woman — a lesbian. How silly that looks
We interviewed doctors and your qualifications are good but ultimately we hired chiropractor who is into bestiality
Sez who?
That the gay and lesbian brought that into consideration should bar them from the job. If I am some trans pervert and want a job I make a big deal of being TRANS and block any capable normal person because the law will take cognizance of the TRANS element and never to the normal person’s benefit.
It is discrimination.
Problem with this decision is the danger it will be generalized to add more fuel to the, “anti-racism is the real racism,” bonfire. That is never going to be true, no matter how often reiterated.
Also? This is obtuse:
As a textual matter, Title VII’s disparate-treatment provision draws no distinctions between majority-group plaintiffs and minority-group plaintiffs. Rather, the provision makes it unlawful “to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise to discriminate against any individual with respect to his compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.” The “law’s focus on individuals rather than groups [is] anything but academic.”
Minority groups do not share histories alike. To assert legally that they all get treated alike, regardless of present social status—or the extent to which prior discriminatory effects linger into the present—can only serve to throw the law out of step with the facts.
When that happens, the law will remain powerless to make unwanted social discord disappear. The discord will continue until its enduring causes cease their influence. An apparent determination in the law to ignore the discord will likely serve to make it worse. A question whether legal process, or political policy, has power to ameliorate such cases cannot wisely be ruled off limits.
There are not many such cases. Only two examples stand out. First, black descendants still affected by slavery and Jim Crow. Second, indigenous Americans with ancestors subjected to genocide, and more recently to systematized ostracism and color-of-law property confiscations.
It is wrong to parade claims of equality before the law to justify a continuing legacy of racially-founded harm among those two specific groups. A plethora of other groups have also suffered mishaps and cultural cruelties, but not anymore to the enduring effect which blacks and indigenous American continue to experience.
You quoted something that pointed out that the laws protect individuals, not groups, and then you rambled only semi-coherently about groups.
Nieporent — If your prefer, “semi-coherently,” to, “obtuse,” that is your business. Either way, you show you have grasped my point. I don’t expect your agreement.
I prefer accurate to inaccurate. Your complaint is based on the notion that the law says something different than it actually says.
No such “bonfire” exists. There are people pointing out that racism can apply against white people, and then on the other side, a group of ideologues who insist it cannot.
Even if such a “bonfire” existed, this decision contributing to it is completely obtuse. The decision would have contributed to it if it had gone the other way and upheld exclusions to civil rights law when the majority is discriminated against. That would be the proverbial fuel to your fire.
That is never going to be true, no matter how often reiterated.
“There are not many such cases. Only two examples stand out. First, black descendants still affected by slavery and Jim Crow. Second, indigenous Americans with ancestors subjected to genocide, and more recently to systematized ostracism and color-of-law property confiscations.”
If Congress wants to write a law that treats people affected by slavery and Jim Crow and indigenous Americans differently, they are free to do so. They might even be able to write one that survives constitutional scrutiny.
But to date, the only law they have written treats all forms of discrimination identically. I’m not sure why you think pointing that out is obtuse.
If Congress wants to write a law that treats people affected by slavery and Jim Crow and indigenous Americans differently, they are free to do so.
TwelveInchPianist — Congress already did that, when they passed Title VII.
If you want to parade as a textualist, you owe a debt of honesty to interpret the text in question using the context which applied at the time the text was created. There is no constraint, legal or otherwise, if a court holds itself at liberty to make up any alternative context it wants now, and say that determines what the text means. That is true even if the intent of the court is to match its interpretation to current political fashion.
No court circa the mid-1960s ruled against a presumption that Title VII was intended specifically to authorize policy to ameliorate the plight of black people. You know that. You ought to know that if that had happened, more riotous chaos—a result opposite the intent of Congress—would have resulted.
Textualism, of course, was invented to enable this very judicial trick, to supply a lever to reverse the meanings of long-ago legal texts some judges disapprove today. That may make you a faithful textualist. It does nothing to make you, or textualism, or this decision, intellectually honest, or in any way faithful to this nation’s history and tradition.
“We’re all textualists now.” — Elena Kagan.
“Not me.” — Stephen Lathrop.
For a bad historian, you’re also a bad lawyer.
That is entirely true, and also entirely irrelevant. The motive behind a law is not the same thing as the law. That’s the same bad argument the anti-birthright citizenship people use: “The intent of the 14th amendment was to guarantee citizenship to blacks/former slaves.” That’s true. But we don’t ask what the reason behind passing a law was; we ask what that law actually says. And the only “policy” embedded in Title VII is nondiscrimination. And it says that no person — not no group — shall be discriminated against on account of race — not “on account of being a racial minority.”
(To be clear, “context” can help clear up actual textual ambiguity. Does the word “race” refer to an ethnic grouping or to an Olympic event? But context cannot be used to negate the actual language of the statute.)