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Second Amendment Protects Marijuana Users Unless There's Concrete Showing They're Dangerous
From U.S. v. Cooper, decided today by Eighth Circuit Judge David Stras, joined by Judges Steven Grasz and Jonathan Kobes:
In United States v. Veasley (8th Cir. 2024), we concluded that keeping firearms out of the hands of drug users does not "always violate[] the Second Amendment." Now the question is whether it sometimes can. The answer is yes, so we remand for the district court to determine whether it does for LaVance Cooper….
Cooper consented to a bench trial on stipulated facts. One was that he smoked marijuana three to four times a week. Another was that he had done it two days before officers found a Glock 20 pistol in his car during a traffic stop. Based on those facts and a few others, the district court found Cooper guilty of being a drug user in possession of a firearm, see 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3), and sentenced him to 37 months in prison….
In every Second Amendment case, the overarching question is whether a limitation on the right to keep and bear arms is "consistent with this Nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation." N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n, Inc. v. Bruen (2022). Key to answering that question is identifying "analogue[s]": Founding-era regulations that "impose[d] a comparable burden on the right of armed self-defense" with a "comparabl[e] justifi[cation]." See also United States v. Rahimi (2024) (explaining that the modern regulation "need not be a 'dead ringer' or a 'historical twin'"). If no comparable analogues exist because "disarmament is a [purely] modern solution to a centuries-old problem," or strays too far from the "how and why" of "historical regulations," then the Second Amendment kicks in….
In Veasley, we identified two Founding-era analogues that "make [the drug-user-in-possession statute] constitutional in [certain] applications": "confinement of the mentally ill" and the "criminal prohibition on taking up arms to terrify the people."
Early in this country's history, the "mentally ill and dangerous" ended up in jails, makeshift asylums, and mental hospitals "with straitjackets and chains." Confinement came with a "loss of liberties," including disarmament, "to preserve the peace of the community." "Those who posed no danger," by contrast, "stayed at home with their families," with "their civil liberties … intact."
The question is whether § 922(g)(3) is "relevantly similar" to this Founding- era analogue. It is, but not for everyone. The "behavioral effects" of mental illness and drug use can "overlap," but only the subset of the mentally ill who were dangerous faced confinement and the loss of arms. It follows that, for disarmament of drug users and addicts to be comparably "justifi[ed]," it must be limited to those "who pose a danger to others." The analogy is complete, in other words, for someone whose "regular use[] of … PCP … induce[s] violence," but not for a "frail and elderly grandmother" who "uses marijuana for a chronic medical condition." The latter would regulate "arms-bearing … to an extent beyond what was done at the [F]ounding."
Much the same goes for Veasley's other analogue, Terror of the People. Initially a common-law crime and later codified in some states, these going-armed laws required more than "mere possession" of a weapon. As "a mechanism for punishing those who had menaced others with firearms," an essential element was "terrorizing behavior … accompany[ing] the possession." Punishment included imprisonment and "forfeiture of the arms" used in the crime. Sometimes, when aggression was foreseeable, magistrates ordered individuals to post surety bonds to "prevent[] violence before it occurred," but only after providing "significant procedural protections."
The lesson to draw is that this analogy only works "for some drug users." When "a court has found that the defendant 'represents a credible threat,'" a ban on firearm possession "fits neatly within the tradition." Rahimi. And so does one applied to drug users who engage in "terrifying conduct." For others, like the hypothetical grandmother, threatening violence or causing terror is "exceedingly unlikely," so the justification for disarmament is not comparable.
These two analogues also frame the relevant questions for resolving Cooper's as-applied challenge. Did using marijuana make Cooper act like someone who is "both mentally ill and dangerous"? Did he "induce terror" or "pose a credible threat to the physical safety of others" with a firearm? Unless one of the answers is yes—or the government identifies a new analogue we missed—prosecuting him under § 922(g)(3) would be "[in]consistent with this Nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation….
We recognize that not every group targeted by a disarmament law is the same. Consider felons. In United States v. Jackson, a panel of this court surveyed a different set of Founding-era laws and concluded that they supported a categorical ban. Supreme Court dicta singling out felon-dispossession laws as "presumptively" constitutional provided additional support.
We have "no such 'assurances,'" however, about drug users and addicts. Nor has our review of the historical tradition surrounding them, to the extent one exists, turned up any bright- line rules. Sometimes disarming drug users and addicts will line up with the case-by-case historical tradition, but other times it will not. The district court's task on remand is to figure out which side of the Second Amendment line Cooper's case falls on….
Although both sides invite us to resolve Cooper's as-applied challenge, the district court is in the best position to take the first crack at it. The factual record is thin, given that the case proceeded to a bench trial on stipulated facts, so the parties may want to supplement the record with other evidence. In the meantime, we will tie up a loose end to save everyone time on remand.
The government suggests in its briefing that Cooper is too dangerous to have a gun because he "possessed [one] for protection after [a] recent shooting at his residence." We disagree for two reasons. First, the parties only stipulated that "officers were dispatched to [his] residence … in reference to an individual who had been shot," not a shooting that happened there. And second, "individual self-defense is 'the central component' of the Second Amendment right," not an exception to it. {Marijuana use by itself is not an exception either, even if possessing it breaks federal law.}
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The opinion makes me feel like there is more to the story. Why is this guy really being prosecuted in federal court? A clue is offered: a man who had been shot was at his house not long before the charges were brought. So the authorities think he's involved in other criminal activity and can't prove it. The gun charge will have to do.
Drug dealing breeds bullets.
Where does it say "house"? I see the word "residence." Could be a large apartment complex for all we know.
I wouldn’t say that “protects” is the right word…
I disagree with the legality. But it does reflect changes in society. A generation ago, O’Conner wrote a concurrence in Smith saying that the state had a compelling interest in deterring dangerous drugs. And the Supreme Court upheld a life sentence for simple possession of illegal drugs.
And based on the opinion, Bernie Madoff ought to be allowed to carry firearms. There’s no evidence he’s dangerous either.
I don’t see how it can be constitutional to imprison someone for life, yet unconstitutional to disarm them.
It is not for courts to judge the severity of punishment for crime outside the rare case of cruel and unusual punishment. Disarming is simply part of the punishment. It is neither cruel nor unusual. And it’s ridiculous to elevate gun ownership above all other kinds of liberty, even freedom from prison.
Was he cremated or buried? A rotting corpse might be dangerous to the public.
And while he was alive and in prison, of course he was disarmed.
If he'd been paroled or released, fine with me if he carried in public. He might have actually needed it, except if he'd actually harmed that many people, he would never have been paroled or released. So what point are you trying to make?
"I don’t see how it can be constitutional to imprison someone for life [for simple drug possession]", yet unconstitutional to disarm them.
Fixed it for you.
It's not for courts to judge the severity of punishment? Pretty sure it's courts that adjudicate said punishment. Why wouldn't higher courts have the ability to review lower courts in such case?
As for elevating gun ownership, there's this thing called the Second Amendment....
Under your theory, if people can’t be deprived of their right to bear arms as punishment, how can they be imprisoned or fined, which are deprivations of liberty and property, equally constitutional rights
Legislatures set mandatory minimum sentences all the time. The Supreme Court has only rarely struck one of them down. It specifically upheld mandatory life imprisonment, complete deprivation of the right to liberty in its entirety, for simple drug posession. Given this, deprivation of the right to bear arms for life for simple drug posessession, a much lesser liberty deprivation than complete imprisonment for life, is a fortiori also a permissable sentence for simple drug posession.
Sigh. There's that whole greater/lesser fetish of yours yet again.
"Disarming is simply part of the punishment. "
If it's a separate law, and not explicitly part of the sentence handed down by the judge at trial, it is not in my opinion "simply part of the punishment."
To see it otherwise is to allow the government to pile on punishments ex-post-facto.
So the sentence has to explicitly spell out not ordering takeout, eating prison food, what the menu is, wearing prison clothing, what times cell doors are locked ...
Yeah, not gonna work. Prison is prison.
No because "prison is prison" while you're imprisoned. Piling on separate "punishments" after the fact is, as Matthew points out, a recipe for ex-post-facto problems.
More to the point, "punishments" established by statute that conflict with rights explicitly protected in the Constitution are subject to supremacy problems. Taking away your guns and (warrantless) searches of your cell while you're in prison" aren't punishments - they're safety issues. Doing those same things after you're out and your sentence is complete would be punishments and must be consistent with the 2nd and 4th amendments respectively.
A law in effect at the time of the crime, which this was, is not an ex post facto law.
Laws that are not explicitly part of the sentence set by the judge are applied to convicted criminals all the time. Does the judge have to specify the prison rules? The probation rules? That escape from prison is a separate crime? That violating probation means probation can be revoked? That voting won’t be permitted? This is simply one of the many additional laws and rules not specified by the judge at sentencing that apply to convicted criminals.
"And it’s ridiculous to elevate gun ownership above all other kinds of liberty, even freedom from prison."
Should we take away their right to freely worship, and their right to freedom of speech too?
Ex-cons regain their 4th amendment rights too, after they have finished parole or probation, and there is probably at least as much justification to take away 4th amendment rights as there is second amendment rights.
Convicted criminals do not in fact have freedom of speech. Prison officials have no obligation to let them communicate (anything) with anyone except for their attorneys, a separate right. Laws prohibiting convicted criminals from making a profit off their stories and the like have been regularly upheld.
Federal prisoners have more religious rights by act of congress. But Congress could repeal the FRRA if it wanted to. And I am in all honesty not inclined to interpret general religious rights of prisoners broadly. I think, for example, that a conviction for fraud should count against claims of sincerity when it comes to claiming to have a religious belief. I generally agree with Yoder that religious rights generally belong to people who are economically self-sufficient and law-abiding and think this has some individual application. While I would interpret this narrowly, as everybody can fall on hard times and the poor don’t lose religious freedom just for being poor, I think career criminals and people sentenced to life imprisonment (career prisoners) should lose their religious rights while in prison.
I think you accidentally a word in the headline
Excellent news. Collateral consequences for pot possession has been a liberal target for a long time. This will benefit black people, who are disproportionately charged and convicted with simple possession crimes. Now many more American blacks can arm themselves for lawful purposes. And should.
Well, since he is not a medicinal marijuana using grandmother or some such, maybe when it is remanded, it still will be applied to him.
I'm quite open as a policy matter for marijuana possession and use alone not to be a reason to deny people the right to keep and bear arms.
Nonetheless, as a constitutional matter, drug users having guns in cars might not just be a constitutional right. Trying to parse "history and tradition" based on "Founding-era analogues" [even if the era was 1868] is also not how I would deal with the situation.
(I acknowledge a lower court federal judge is required to follow Supreme Court precedent on the last point.)
As a constitutional matter, the whole idea of federal drug laws is cocoa for coco puffs. So they'd be using violation of an unconstitutional law to justify taking away a constitutional right.
The two are separate issues. I personally think Raich v. Ashcroft was wrongly decided. But nonetheless, current precedent says Congress can make this a crime. If you can constitutionally be convicted of a crime, you can constitutionally be deprived of the right to possess guns as part of the punishment for it. It doesn’t matter whether I think making the crime a crime in the first place is a good idea or not.
If you can constitutionally be convicted of a crime, can you be constitutionally deprived of the right to criticize the government as part of the punishment for it?
Yeah, while you certainly CAN lose the exercise of constitutional rights as a consequence of a conviction, (It really ought to have to be part of the sentence, though.) there ought to be some logical relationship between the constitutional right lost and the nature of the crime.
Second Amendment Protects Marijuana Users Unless There's Concrete Showing They're Dangerous
We are all agreed this position should be set in cement.
I don't think there is any evidence being a marijuana user makes one more dangerous than the average citizen.
There may be some evidence that cocaine fiends like Hunter are more dangerous, but I still didn't think Hunter could constitutionally lose his gun rights without having been convicted of anything.
I personally think Raich v. Ashcroft was rightly decided.
It was a legitimate regulation of commerce. Like the author of the opinion, I oppose the law as a policy matter.
I think there is a personal right to use medicinal marijuana but that wasn't the issue.