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Justice Thomas Explains Why The President, Vice President, Speaker and Senate President Pro Tempore Cannot Be "Officers of the United States"
Justice Thomas demonstrates why Justice Scalia erred in his letter to Tillman.
[This post is co-authored with Professor Seth Barrett Tillman.]
In Trump v. United States (July 1, 2024), Justice Thomas wrote a concurrence that opined on the constitutionality of the Special Counsel's appointment.
The Constitution's Appointments Clause provides:
[The President] shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
Justice Thomas made several observations about the Appointments Clause.
First, Justice Thomas wrote:
Before the President or a Department Head can appoint any officer, however, the Constitution requires that the underlying office be "established by Law." [FN1]
[FN1] Although a Government official may also be a "nonofficer employe[e]," I set aside that category because it is difficult to see how an official exercising the Department of Justice's duties to enforce the criminal law by leading a prosecution could be anything but an officer. Lucia v. SEC (2018) (Thomas, J., concurring); see SW General (opinion of Thomas, J.). If the Special Counsel were a nonofficer employee, the constitutional problems with this prosecution would only be more serious. For now, I assume without deciding that the Special Counsel is an officer. [slip op. at 3.]
It is indeed quite problematic for a "nonofficer employee" to exercise the powers of an "Officer of the United States" who can lead a criminal prosecution. The Special Counsel, for example, is granted the powers of a United States Attorney. If the Special Counsel is merely a "nonofficer employee" exercising the powers of an "Officer of the United States," then the associated "constitutional problems" are, indeed, "serious."
We appreciate that Justice Thomas only "assumed without deciding" that the "Special Counsel is an officer" of the United States, and not a "nonofficer employee." But there is an argument that the Special Counsel, which is a non-continuous position, cannot be an officer at all. We have raised that argument in an amicus brief before the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida. Blackman also presented oral argument on this issue on June 21, 2024.
Second, Justice Thomas observed that the Constitution establishes a limited number of positions:
The Constitution itself creates some offices, most obviously that of the President and Vice President.
No statute was needed to establish the presidency or vice presidency. We could add to this list the Speaker of the House and Senate President Pro Tempore. We have long taken the position, and for several independent reasons, that these four positions, as well as rank-and-file members of Congress, are not "Officers of the United States." One of those reasons is that these positions were not established "by law," which means, "by statute," but rather, these positions were established by the Constitution itself.
Additionally, the text provides that "Officer of the United States" positions "shall be established by Law." The word "shall" suggests some future action after the Constitution went into effect. By contrast, the elected federal apex positions were established by the Constitution. No future federal legislative action was needed to establish these positions.
Third, Justice Thomas agreed with part of our reading of the Appointments Clause: "Officers of the United States" must be established "by law." Thomas wrote:
Although the Constitution contemplates that there will be "other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for," it clearly requires that those [other] offices "shall be established by Law." §2, cl. 2. And, "established by law" refers to an office that Congress creates "by statute." Lucia v. SEC (2018) (Thomas, J., concurring); see also United States v. Maurice (CC Va. 1823) (Marshall, C. J.).
The necessary consequence of Thomas's position is that the President, the Vice President, as well as the Speaker of the House and the Senate President pro tempore are not "Officers of the United States." They can't be, because their positions were not established by law.
You may think Justice Thomas' and our position is obvious. But Justice Scalia's much vaunted letter to Tillman in 2014, which we published in 2023, took just the opposite position. Scalia wrote that the President, Vice President, Speaker, and Senate President Pro Tempore are "Officers of the United States." On this point, Thomas was correct, and Scalia was incorrect: "Officers of the United States" must be established by statute. The President, Vice President, Speaker of the House, and Senate President Pro Tempore, as well as rank-and-file members of Congress, are not established by statute. These stations are elected apex federal officials. In contrast to elected apex officials, as a general matter, "officers of the United States" and officers under the United States are appointed by and responsible to elected apex officials.
Moreover, I think we can understand Justice Thomas to reject the position that the President is somehow "appointed"—that is, the President's appointment "is otherwise provided for." We think Thomas would agree with the conventional view that the President is not appointed; rather, the President is elected by electors. By contrast, during the Section 3 litigation, some people argued that the President is appointed, rather than elected. But that argument has quickly faded from our collective sight.
Fourth, we wrote above that Thomas only agrees with part of our reading of the Appointments Cause. Thomas suggests that there may be other "officers of the United States" whose appointments are not provided for in Article II, Section 2, which includes the Appointments Clause. We read the text differently from Justice Thomas. In our view, the phrase "not herein otherwise provided for" is a null set. There are no "officer of the United States" positions filled by mechanisms beyond Article II, Section and the Appointments Clause. Rather, the "not herein otherwise provided for"-language is telling the reader that there are no "Officers of the United States" which are provided for elsewhere. All of the "Officers of the United States" are provided for in Article II, Section 2. If Thomas (and others) were correct on this point, the language in the Appointments Clause would be: "except for those Appointments which are not herein otherwise provided for," but it does not say that. Rather, it says: "whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for" telling the readers that Article II, Section 2 processes are the exclusive means for filling "officer of the United States" positions.
Thomas does not tell us what those other officers are whose appointments may be provided for elsewhere in the Constitution. His language, as we understand it, rules out the President, Vice President, and also the Speaker and President Pro Tempore, because all those positions are not established "by law." So one wonders: What positions does Justice Thomas have in mind? Perhaps Justice Thomas will address this specific point in a future opinion. In our view, "officers of the United States," principal and inferior, must be established by law, and must be appointed pursuant to the processes spelled out in Article II, Section 2. If a position is not appointed pursuant to Article II, Section 2 procedures, and is not established by statute, it cannot be an "Officer of the United States."
Trump v. United States did not present an Appointments Clause challenge. But this issue is pending before the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida.
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OK, I have a question if the Vice President is not an Officer of the United States.
Article VI states, in part:
"The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States."
If the VP is not an officer, then why does he need to be sworn in? This is not an issue for the others mentioned, as Senators and Representatives are specifically named here, and the President has his oath of office prescribed in Article II. But nowhere is the VP's oath prescribed in the Constitution. If he is not an officer, then there is no requirement for her to be sworn into office.
Maybe so. Maybe the Constitution doesn't require her to take an oath but it doesn't prohibit it either, so she does anyway because tradition.
I think the VP may be sworn in as president of the senate, not an executive branch actor.
This would also mean that the Speaker and President pro tempore are not "Officers" regarding the Presidential Succession Clause (Article II, Section 1, Clause 6) and so cannot be part of the Presidential line of succession. I hold this view, but notice it wasn't mentioned in the article.
Justice Thomas "explained" to a yawning void.
How many justices joined Thomas' concurrence?
That number is neither happenstance nor anomaly.
That is a lot of gymnastics to avoid the plain reading of the Constitution.
tl;dr. For gawd’s sake, the CO case was decided three months ago. Give it up.
Did you make this comment on Baude's post? He's stlil complaining about Anderson rejecting his drivel.
Hey, did you hear how several racist states in the old days wouldn’t have let Thomas marry that crazy white chick? And he thinks that would have been constitutional because...well, because I *feel* that's the sort of thing he'd believe.
No, I believe Thomas has written an explanation as to why he thinks those laws were unconstitutional.
Justice Thomas has also begged his fellow clingers on the Court to revisit a number of similar decisions (most would say indistinguishable), though.
If voting on interracial marriage, however, Justice Thomas would probably strive to find a way to avoid deciding against interracial marriage (maybe recusal?) . . . at least, if he still were happily married to that white insurrectionist. He also would probably hope he didn't see "Harlan" or "Leonard" show up on his mobile screen while deliberating that one.
So by all means explain why Thomas would disagree with Stewart’s concurrences in McLaughlin v. Florida and Loving v. Virginia.
Of course, being the genius you are, you would be fully familiar with these concurrences, but for the benefit of those who lack your vast erudition, I should mention that Stewart didn't think a state could "make[] the color of a person's skin the test of whether his conduct is a criminal offense".
Since it's established that Thomas, if not married to a white woman, would want to allow laws against interracial marriage, then all you have to do is share with us his reasons for disagreeing with Stewart.
I'm sure a Justice who's constitutional interpretations are entirely driven by the need to reach the desired ideological result would have no trouble fashioning some type of rationale.
Good grief. Let Ginsburg rest in peace.
No, the Special Counsel is granted the powers of a Special Counsel.
The test for whether that position demands an Officer rather than an employee is laid out between US v. Germaine and Buckley v. Valeo. There are two parts to the test:
1. The individual must occupy a continuing position established by law (the position, and not necessarily the individual’s tenure, must be continuing), and
2. The position must exercise significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United States.
Tillman and Thomas make a plausible argument for point 2, though not a slam dunk. US Attorneys are Senate-confirmed because 28 U.S.C. §541 requires them to be. Would that still be necessary if there were no such statute? Maybe.
But they skip entirely over the first test. Special Counsel positions are created to deal with specific issues and exist only as long as the disposition of the issue requires. That limits the scope of the position – unlike US Attorneys who have no such limitation – but also the duration.
That means part 1 of the test is not met, and the position is not required to be filled by an Officer appointed according to the terms of the Appointments Clause. And that is true even if you conclude that the part 2 test is the slammest dunk you’ve ever seen. No amount of over-achieving in part 2 can compensate for failing part 1.
There is a possibility that Judge Cannon in Florida will agree with Thomas, and dismiss Jack Smith from the case.
There is no evidence it would be reasonable to rule out the prospect of any pro-Trump ruling from Judge Cannon. Whether her decision would derive from partisanship or ineptitude would probably be a coin flip. It seemed sensible to ascribe most of her vivid failures to incompetence and inexperience for some time, but that ship seems to be sailing.
There's more of a chance that she'll just never rule on anything.
Care to elaborate?
The defining feature of Cannon's handling of this case, at least post-indictment, is that she just slow walks everything. Rather than actually making rulings, she holds a hearing on everything. (This is not normal. Most motions in federal court are decided on the papers.) She schedules these hearings weeks or months off. And then she just puts off ruling on the actual motions.
It is called due process. When the the DoJ adopts some novel interpretations of law to pursue some trivial allegations, then the judge should take it slow. The DoJ tried to time this so that a trial would affect the election, but that is not a legitimate reason to rush it.
Even if you didn't just make up that principle — and you did — it's irrelevant to the documents case, where there are no novel interpretations and no trivial allegations.
There is that possibility. It's also a possibility that the 11th Circuit will reverse her, again. Or that she will reverse herself, as she did in April about giving the defense advance notice of the names of government witnesses. There is no end of possibilities with Judge Cannon.
That's what happens when you have a unique case based on "get him".
If DJT was as old and demented as some here like to claim this shouldn't have been prosecuted for the same reason Hur did not move forward on Biden (whose violations were much more extensive).
They were, of course, not. In fact, Biden did not do any of the things Trump is charged with.
You sound like NG. Point to another similar case.
People are charged with violating the espionage act all the time.
Yes, but the charges are for stealing classified documents, or transmitting them to an enemy power. Trump is not charged with those things. Nobody has had charges like Trump's.
Trump is charged with stealing classified documents. (More precisely, he's charged with refusing to return them.) Also obstructing justice, which is also charged all the time.
More precisely, Trump is charged with willful retention of information. "Stealing" suggests that he took something and deprived someone else of it. All he did was to keep some printouts that he legitimately had as President.
Yes, he is charged with conspiracy and obstruction, but that is just what the DoJ does when it does not have real charges.
Is the first test criterion always not met? For example, instead of nomination/confirm/appoint process for district attorneys (or others?), just appoint a Special Counsel for SDNY (or anywhere). Claim it is not continuous, ending at an unspecified date — likely the end of the administration.
Then, would all DOJ appointments be avoidable by asserting “Special Counsel for…”. No budget restrictions either!
Why, then, is the word "other" there? One can easily argue that it's relating back to the Presidency, like "Officers other than the President and Vice President." It isn't relating back to the other positions in the same sentence, as those have other, district names: "Judges," "Ambassadors," "Ministers," and "Counsuls."
By definition the occupant of an office is an officer. The Constitution refers to "the office of president". Blackman pretends the phrase does not exist.
No, he pretends that the framers of the constitution hid elephants in mouseholes, creating esoteric meanings of these terms hidden in prepositions. "Office under the U.S.", "Officer of the U.S.," "Office," "officer." He and Tillman kill trillions of trees based on the ridiculous idea that these mean different things.
It is perhaps worth noting that Justice Thomas’s analysis is very clearly predicated on the position that the President and Vice-President are officers of the United States.
I can see how it’s disappointing to have the Supreme Court justice most likely to be receptive to your pet theory directly reject it.
A humble person might take this opportunity to reexamine things. An intellectually honest one might explain why the justice has gotten things wrong. An arrogant one might simply ignore it. A creative one might try to argue that the two positions can actually be reconciled if you squint hard enough.
But it takes a Blackman to claim that the justice actually supports him, while quoting the very part of the opinion that rejects it. And quoting the parts that reject your analysis of this particular issue (the legitimacy of the special counsel appointment) is just showing off.
Bravo.