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Ohio AG Asks State Supreme Court To Bar Universal Injunction
Can a state trial court issue an "universal injunction" against all parts of a new law, even though "only two named plaintiffs have alleged narrow harms from only one part of the law."
The Ohio legislature recently enacted, over the Governor's veto, a law concerning transgender minors. The law was challenged in a state trial court. Two named plaintiffs asserted an injury to challenge particular portions of the law. Yet, the judge entered what is in effect a universal injunction. For example, neither of the plaintiffs are student athletes, but the court enjoined provisions of the law concerning athletics.
Today, Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost, through Solicitor General Elliot Gaiser, filed an emergency motion in the Ohio Supreme Court to confine the trial court's "injunction to the limits of judicial power."
Here is a snippet from the Introduction:
A trial court has gone far beyond its power to enter a so-called "universal injunction" against an entire new law, in all applications, as to all the parts of the law—despite the fact that only two named plaintiffs have alleged narrow harms from only one part of the law. . . . The court could have granted preliminary relief to two plaintiffs who alleged only a potential desire for medication, under the principle that injunctions should be no broader than needed to protect plaintiffs. Instead, despite the lack of any allegation—let alone a showing—of harms from the rest of the law to Plaintiffs or other 2 Ohioans, the court pronounced that none of the law can go into effect—leaving Ohio families open to all the harms that their elected representatives voted to avert.
The motion invokes the U.S. Supreme Court's order in Labrador v. Poe, which I wrote about last week:
Indeed, one week ago, on April 15, the U.S. Supreme Court followed these same principles of equity to stay a federal trial court's preliminary injunction against enforcement of the Idaho analogue to Ohio's law—which prohibits performing gender transition services on minors—except as to the parties before that Court. Labrador v. Poe, 601 U. S. ____, 2024 WL 1625724 (S. Ct. April 15, 2024). Because a Franklin County judge issued an injunction unbounded by the clear limits on its power, the Relators seek an emergency writ to conform the injunction to Ohio law.
Justice Gorsuch's concurrence focused on federal courts issuing universal injunctions against state laws, but the reasoning would apply in a similar fashion to state courts issuing universal injunctions against state laws--at least where state courts follow the same principles of Article III jurisprudence. (My understanding is that Ohio courts track Supreme Court doctrine, but I am not an expert in this area of state law.)
The brief also invokes Whole Woman's Health v. Jackson:
Second, twenty-five years ago, this Court improperly issued a writ that effectively enjoined all the State's common-pleas judges from following a set of tort-reform laws even though no plaintiff could show immediate harm from those laws. State ex rel. Ohio Acad. of Trial Laws. v. Sheward, 86 Ohio St. 3d 451 (1999). That was a mistake. See id. at 516 (Moyer, C.J., dissenting); see also Whole Woman's Health v. Jackson, 595 U.S. 30, 39 (2021) ("an injunction against a … court or its machinery would be a violation of the whole scheme of our Government") (internal punctuation omitted). But it did have the imprimatur of four Justices. This case is Sheward squared: a single judge has effectively told every other judge in the State that he or she cannot follow the will of the People as expressed through a legislative supermajority.
The basis of the trial court's ruling was the single-subject provision of the Ohio Constitution, which limits how many subject can be addressed in a single bill. (Judge Sutton wrote about this clause in 51 Imperfect Solutions.) The trial court ruled that denying standing "would insulate legislation from single-subject constitutional scrutiny without class certification or unless a coalition of plaintiffs could be assembled to cover the wide variety of subjects massed in a single piece of legislation."
There is a fascinating question about the relationship between the single-subject rule and the writ of erasure fallacy. Can a court actually "erase" a statute that does not conform with certain procedural requirements under state law? Wouldn't the remedy have to be universal in that regard? Imagine if there was no Enrolled Bill Rule, what would a court do? Stated differently, can a court "erase" an entire statute even if only parts of the statute injure a named plaintiff?
I don't know the answer to these questions, but I think they would likely have to be resolved subsequent to any standing inquiry. A bill has a finite number of provisions. It should not be difficult for sophisticated civil rights groups to find a plaintiff to challenge each provision. When courts issue dubious standing rulings, they often assert that someone must have standing, or that class action certification is too complicated. That's the point. It isn't easy to get into federal (and in some cases, state) court.
Because this issue will be resolved entirely on the basis of state law, an appeal to the United States Supreme Court will not be possible. The state court will have the final say here.
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Blackman, I rarely see you take time from your busy talk show circuit to contribute to the legal canon of this blog unless the subject is Trump, gays or ni**ers. Why is that?
You don't pay very close attention. He has the daily Supreme Court history post. His previous non-scheduled post was about an award he got. Before that, two posts about the "shadow docket". Before that, takings law and the "sword-shield dichotomy".
You think that occupies a lot of his time?
Does he owe you a daily article or something?
I asked this in previous coverage: Given that a court believes the law should be enjoined, how does it benefit from inviting all other possible members of the class of those against which it might be enforced to sue separately, thus wasting the court's administrative time, just to arrive at the same conclusion that the law would be enjoined against those people?
It seems inequitable for the plaintiffs (because other plaintiffs, many indigent, will have to face real costs just to file and get to court), it seems undesireable to the court to have to make the same injunction again and again, it seems wasteful to the state who will have to defend the law again and again and again to get the same outcome (an injunction).
To the extent there are no other plaintiffs who are similarly situated, then the law is not likely to be enforced against anyone else which lowers the concern I bring above, but also lowers the possible objections to a universal injunction, so where's the beef?
It seems to me like there are basically three ways a universal injunction is broader than this particularized injunction: which categories of plaintiffs it applies to (covered above), which parts of the law it applies to (seems like this is covered under severability?), or as I understand it the applicability of the injunction across jurisdictions. I can plausibly see why the jurisdiction might be contained, but if higher courts are ultimately going to rule on the question, again why invite a bunch of time wasting in other courts pending that ruling?
Why do you suppose that all these other challenges will come before the same judge ?
It seems to me that all of the provisions here are indeed quite plausibly on the same subject. They all address Ohio state policy towards transgender youth.
One may agree or disagree with the policy views of the Ohio legislature as expressed in this Act. One might think some or all of the provisions unconstitutional.
But if judges were permitted to use procedural rules like Ohio’s same-subject requirement to strike down laws on subjects this closely related, they would in effect have a de facto judicial veto over laws they don’t like.
Judges who don’t like state-funded health care could, for example, claim that each and every medical procedure and drug is its own subject. Any complicated field can always be subdivided endlessly. Lawyerly creativity knows no bounds. Attempts to legislate on a subject a judge doesn’t want legislated on could be tied up endlessly.
The courts can do anything they like. It has been proved over and over.
I don't like severability. A legislature passed a law as a whole. Presumably everyone that voted for its passage compromised their wants in various ways to come up with the final law.
Then along comes a judge and says "This part is unconstitutional. But the rest is OK."
That judge has usurped the legislature's role. How many of the legislators would have approved his mutilated version of their law? He he bypassed all their negotiations and compromises.
Strike down the entire law, or leave it in place. Don't hack on it as if you know what all those legislators would have wanted or accepted.
That's a good point except that many, if not most, laws today have severability provisions in them. In other words, the legislature did vote for the law with the possibility that some portions would be severed. Otherwise, I agree that it is problematic to sever some portions of a law from the others. Even things that are completely tangential to the core of a law might have been essential to getting certain votes.
The problem with severability clauses is that no one knows what the final law will be. There are too many combinations of clauses to keep and remove. It's like drawing up a house design with the architect adding remarks that some rooms or other features might not survive contact with the county, and yet you pay the same price. A year after construction, the county inspectors tells you to remove one room and get rid of that siding which was declared illegal after the house was built.
I'd just as soon not have lawyers throwing the dice like that when they write and pass laws. It's the legislature's job to write laws. Make them do it proper.
Isn't the analysis of a single subject clause violation similar to any other law with (state) constitutional problems? The law is void ab initio. It is of no force or effect.
So while the plaintiff may argue only against application of a portion of the law; if they argue the law itself suffers from some constitutional deficiency in its enactment and the judge agrees...then the whole statute is tossed. The legislature could cure this with a new version of the law (with some offending portion excised).
The Ohio legislature recently enacted, over the Governor’s veto, a law concerning transgender minors
We love democracy!
Until we don’t.
I don’t believe this. Most of you do, at least in the context of government asserting new economic powers sans amendment…or even clear law.
As for this particular law, since some of you are technically not conscious, and your echo chamber will inform you of what I “must be”, I think people should be free.