The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Preliminary injunction against New York bans on licensed carry
Gun Owners of America prevail in Antonyuk v. Hochul
Today U.S. District Judge Glenn T. Suddaby issued a preliminary injunction against many portions of New York's recently enacted "Concealed Carry Improvement Act." The act had been passed shortly after the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, which upheld the Second Amendment right to "bear arms."
Today's 184-page preliminary injunction opinion in Antonyuk v. Hochul is the latest step in a challenge by Gun Owners of America, represented by Stephen Stamboulieh and Robert J. Olson. The case was filed shortly after the anti-carry statute was enacted. Shortly before the act's September 1 effective date, Judge Suddaby ruled that none of the plaintiffs had pleaded sufficient specific facts to create standing. After an amended complaint was filed, the Judge granted a temporary restraining order on October 6, which was stayed by a Second Circuit panel.
In Part IV.B of the opinion, "Substantial Likelihood of Success on the Merits," there are three major sections:
- Application requirements (including good moral character, 4 character references, social media disclosure, and 18 hours of training). Some upheld, some not.
- Carry bans in many different "sensitive locations." Some upheld, some not.
- Carry bans in "restricted locations" (all homes and businesses that are not "sensitive locations"). Held to violate either the Second Amendment or the First.
Below, I will summarize each subsection.
- Application requirements
a. "Good Moral Character"
Based on the historical record presented by the parties, "America lacks a historical tradition of firearm-licensing schemes conferring open-ended discretion on licensing officers." Unlike the current NY law, many states have constitutionally-valid laws that allow for license denials "for applicants who have been found, based on their
past conduct, to be likely to use the weapon in a manner that would injure themselves or others (other than in self-defense). This standard is objective, easily applied, and finds support in numerous analogues that deny the right to carry to citizens based on their past conduct (including crimes, demonstrations of mental illnesses, and dangerous behavior)."
b. List of Four Character References
The court found "eight laws (five of which came from states in 1777, including Virginia) were sufficiently established and representative to constitute a historical tradition of firearm regulation based on reputation. The burden of character references "is reasonably proportionate to the burdensomeness of the relevant historical analogues."
c. List of Family Members and Cohabitants
The character references requirement was analogized to historic laws involving public reputation. There are no comparable historical analogies for private reputation.
d. List Social Media Accounts for Past Three Years
No historic analogies. Modern background check laws are not analogous, nor are modern laws about social media disclosure for convicted sex offenders. Moreover, required disclosure of anonymous speeches raises First Amendment problems.
e. "Such Other Information Required by the Licensing Officer"
While minor follow-up information might sometimes be appropriate, the statute's "unbridled discretion" is too open-ended.
f. Eighteen Hours of Firearm Training
Analogies to required militia training are improper, because Heller says that the right to keep and bear arms is not dependent on militia service. Bruen says that "exorbitant fees" for carry permits are unconstitutional, but plaintiffs have not produced sufficient proof of their claim that training and fees could cost over $700. Of course plaintiffs at trial will have the opportunity to introduce more evidence about costs.
g. In-Person Meeting
Although the historical analogies are tenuous, the burden on applicants is slight. So "based on better briefing by the State Defendants (and in the absence of testimony at the Preliminary Injunction Hearing), the Court reconsiders its prior ruling on this issue (in its Decision and Temporary Restraining Order of October 6, 2022), and denies Plaintiffs' motion for a preliminary injunction with regard to this regulation."
2. Prohibition in "Sensitive Locations"
a. "[A]ny location providing … behavioral health, or chemical dependance care or services"
No valid historical analogies. Laws against arms possession by alcoholics cannot be analogized to laws against possession by everyone. There are no historical examples of firearms bans in doctors' offices, hospitals, or almshouses. The prohibition is enjoined, "except to places to which the public or a substantial group of persons have not been granted access."
b. "[A]ny place of worship or religious observation"
The court agrees with the preliminary injunction issued by the W.D.N.Y. in Hardaway v. Nigrelli, 22-CV-0771, 2022 WL 16646220 (W.D.N.Y. Nov. 3, 2022) (Sinatra, J.).
In the alternative, the court provides additional reasoning. Bans on carry in churches were enacted 1870-83, plus the Arizona territory in 1889 and the Oklahoma territory in 1890. Per Bruen, the late 19th century territorial laws are discounted.
Here, as with many of the other restrictions, the court is dubious that restrictive laws in a few states can establish a tradition that overcomes the practice in the large majority of states. But the court assumes arguendo that there is such a restrictive tradition, and then proceeds to evaluate the analogy. Here, the analogy fails.
First, the NY law even bans firearms possession by owners or authorized employees of the religious premises. The only exception is if the church, synagogue, etc. hires employees of a state-licensed security guard company. The court notes that there are at least three twentieth-century examples of people in a church using a handgun to stop a mass shooter.
Second, the NY laws bans home firearms possession for Bible studies classes and similar home religious meetings.
Third, the law "treads too close to infringing on one's First Amendment right to
participate in congregate religious services." While the TRO had only applied to church employees, the entire subsection of the statute is now enjoined.
c. "[P]ublic playgrounds, public parks, and zoos"
Defendants analogize to Texas 1870, Missouri 1883, Arizona territory 1899, Oklahoma territory 1890, and eight municipal ordinances 1861-95. As before, the territorial laws count for little, including Salt Lake City 1888. Likewise of low value are Pittsburgh 1893 and Detroit 1895.
The ban on "public playgrounds" is upheld (for preliminary injunction purposes) as sufficiently analogous to bans in schools, which were specifically approved in Heller.
The two state laws that arguably could be read to include parks bans, plus the five municipal laws that definitely do, are insufficient to show that such laws are representative of the nation.
"Zoos" are in-between playgrounds and public parks. Zoos existed in the 19th century, but there were no bans on peaceable carry at zoos. Besides that, zoos can set their own policies.
As for the ban in "libraries," the plaintiffs did not have standing, but footnote 24 of the opinion is quite skeptical that there is a historical basis for a libraries ban.
d. "[N]ursery schools [and]preschools"
Upheld pursuant to Heller's language about schools. Additionally, there are enough historic analogies.
e. "[A]viation transportation," "airports" and "buses"
Historic analogies are weak, and even states that restricted carrying in general made exceptions for people on a "journey." The burden is severe; the N.Y. statute even prohibits an air traveler from checking an unloaded handgun in a locked case as luggage in compliance with Federal Aviation Administration regulations. Preliminary injunction granted for air travelers who comply with FAA regulations, and for buses and vans.
f. "[A]ny establishment issued a license …where alcohol is consumed"
Five state laws (1867-89) and two territorial laws (1889-90) banned gun carrying by persons who are "intoxicated." Mississippi in 1878 banned selling guns to intoxicated people. Assuming arguendo that such laws establish a representative tradition, there is no analogy between an intoxicated person and a sober person who merely happens to be dining at a restaurant with a liquor license.
g. "[T]heaters," "conference centers," and "banquet halls"
Defendants analogize to a 1786 Virginia law, but that was only for people who brandished arms "in terror of the county" at a fair or market. The law did not apply to fair-goers who kept their arms concealed. The 1889-90 Oklahoma and Arizona territorial laws get little weight. Texas and Tennessee (1869-70) are too few to show that such bans are either established or representative.
The burdensomeness of the regulation is disproportionate, especially for license-holders who "have provided four character references, completed numerous hours of firearms training, and satisfied the demands of a licensing officer."
h. "[A]ny gathering of individuals to collectively express their constitutional rights to protest or assemble"
Three laws from the usual suspects of Tennessee, Missouri, and Texas, the two territories, plus Georgia 1870. With the usual discount for late 19th century territories, the four states do not show a nationally representative tradition.
Even if they did, the laws were limited to "public assembly" or "public gathering," and the N.Y. law goes much further. It even applies to small religious gatherings of a congregation in a home, and to gun shows. And to people who simply happen to be standing on a sidewalk when a group of protesters unexpectedly appear.
3. Prohibition in "Restricted Locations"
Besides categorical ban on arms carrying in the above "sensitive places," the N.Y. statute bans arms carrying almost everywhere else: in all homes, and in all commercial property, whether or not the property is open to the public. There is an exception if the property owner has given "express consent" or has posted a sign to that effect.
The six historic laws against hunting on someone else's "inclosed land" without permission are not analogous. The purpose of those laws was anti-poaching. A law barring some people from open carry of rifles on other people's land is not analogous to law against carrying a concealed handgun into every commercial building. "Rest assured, none of the six Plaintiffs in this action has alleged that he has been injured by not being able to hunt turkey and deer (with his handgun) inside commercial establishments on privately owned property that is open for business to the public." The ban on carry as to commercial establishments open to the public is substantially likely to violate the Second Amendment.
As for residences and for private commercial establishments that are not open to the public, the Second Amendment is not the best source to protect plaintiffs' rights. Supreme Court precedent has only spoken of the right to arms at home and in public.
The First Amendment generally prohibits compelled speech, and under modern doctrine, compelled speech is subject to strict scrutiny.
It is unreasonably burdensome to expect a small business owner, like the small hotel/B&B-owning plaintiff, to station himself at the property boundary and give express consent to every person who enters. If he doesn't, then the a licensed carrier who wishes to stay and keep his handgun in his room cannot enter the business premises in order to ask for permission at the front desk. The moment that the would-be guest steps an inch onto the outer boundary of the hotels grounds, the would-be guest is a N.Y. felon.
Alternatively, the hotel owner could post a "Guns Welcome" sign at the property boundary. Thus, the sign posting law forces a business to take a public stand on a controversial public issue, which is sure to alienate some customers.
Notably, the five modern laws (4 states plus D.C.) that require consent on private property in certain situations do not coerce how consent may be given.
As for residences, N.Y. has introduced no evidence that there is any problem at all of licensed carriers causing trouble after entering residences despite not having been given "express permission."
All of the "Restricted Locations" subsection is enjoined.
Of course the injunction does not disturb the right of property owners to exclude licensed carriers or anyone else, as the owners see fit.
Scope and Stay
The request for a stay of the preliminary injunction is denied. Although not dispositive, it is relevant that five of the nine defendants "have not even opposed Plaintiffs' motion to preliminarily enjoin the below-enjoined provisions of this patently unconstitutional
law."
My observation: the anti-gun lobbies that contributed to the drafting of the New York statute and filed amicus briefs in support portray themselves as champions of "common sense" gun control laws. Their behavior in New York indicates the opposite.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Unless Zeldin and Henry win tomorrow, Hochul and James will just appeal this to the Democrat-dominated 2nd Circuit and get the stay overturned. Then, eventually, and a few million bucks later, it will get back to the SCOTUS. The ruling's great but unless NY has elected officials willing to obey it, it's meaningless.
Correct. Suddaby’s temporary restraining order was stayed by black affirmative action appointee Eunice Lee, in bad faith.
She doesn't want law abiding whites to be allowed to carry because they'll use their guns to defend themselves against her violent "brothers."
Passing out Klan literature again? Blacks are all violent savages, anyone black in government is corrupt, yada yada yada. There’s an undercurrent of “we have to keep killing them because if we don’t they’ll all massacre us in our beds.”
We’ve heard this all before, usually during the run-up to lynchings, sometimes during the run-up to coups.
95% of blacks vote for the party of free stuff and releasing violent criminals. You draw your own inferences.
At what point does the SCOTUS say "New York State has a clear animus against the 2nd Amendment and the freedoms inherent in the US Constitution. ANY laws which regulate guns must past preclearance mechanisms before the US court system"?
From your lips to the SC's ears.
It does fit that pattern.
Preclearance is a federal legislative action, not a judicial action. Certainly Congress could impose such a regime under its 14th amendment enabling legislation powers.
Won't be happening until 2025 at the earliest, though.
Courts can do it effectively as well.
If this ruling doesn’t demonstrate why the entire “standing” doctrine needs to go, I don’t know what does. One should not have to declare that they intend to violate a law to have standing when the law affects their permit.
Suddaby is a lunatic on "standing."
Passing out Klan literature again?
Perfectly ordinary application of straightforward standing rule means you don’t get your way (but only until the plaintiffs revise their complaint.) And suddenly the judge is a lunatic. And that’s even though he ruled in their favor after they took the hint and filed a proper complaint.
It is indeed a "perfectly ordinary application of standing" - and that's the problem. The rules on standing are insane.
No one should have to say "I explicitly intend to violate law X in these specific ways" in order to challenge it. Anyone should have the right to challenge the constitutionality of a law. Unconstitutional laws are an affront even when they never affect me directly.
Even within the rules, the judges have discretion. If a state passed a law, in the interest of preventing the spread of disease, prohibiting gay men from barebacking other men to completion, they wouldn't require a gay man not only declare that he intends to do so, but that he intends to finish without pulling out.
On the contrary, they do require that the prospective plaintiff makes those declarations in that absurd level of specificity. Look to the very decision in the post above for examples. One of the plaintiffs is a first responder who wants to carry concealed while responding to calls. (Whether this is a good idea or whether his employer will allow it is beside the point because the current law does not even allow for the possibility.) Standing was denied as to that plaintiff because he didn't specifically stay he intended to carry at certain places even though he did say that he intended to carry and is regularly sent to those kinds of places.
Right, my point is that if it came to a case involving abortion or gay marriage, I don't think the judges would require this level of standing from plaintiffs.
Passing out Klan literature again?
What the hell was in the post you responded to that elicited that from you?
Even if this isn't overturned, it's sort of terrible because New York's trick is to put together a bunch of regulations that are cumulatively burdensome regardless of whether they are individually burdensome. And it seems like the judge hasn't noticed or doesn't see a way around that trick--it's only possible to challenge each regulation individually.
Is there *any* way it's possible to say "these regulations are *cumulatively* burdensome"?
I'd just as soon have no severability at all; if any part of a law is unconstitutional or otherwise defective, the whole thing gets tossed. I don't like judges picking and choosing which parts survive, when the thing was passed as a whole, presumably after negotiations and compromises.
Having a law made of "separate" parts that are cumulatively burdensome also affects standing. If a law says "nobody can own a gun", you have standing. If a law has 26 separate sections saying "Nobody whose name begins with the letter A can own a gun, nobody whose name begins with B... all the way up to Z", by the standing rules, you would only be able to challenge the clause that applies to your own name and would have to find 25 other defendants to challenge the whole thing, which is absurd.
Interestingly, this judge has actually done math to show that certain regulations may have existed, but could have applied to no more than 5% of the population at the time. Refreshing to see some basic math in an opinion.
As Hochul has repeatedly and exhaustively explained during this election season, New York does not have a crime problem.
Accordingly, any claim that the law she signed exists to control criminal uses of guns is obviously a disingenuous pretext.
It has a race problem.
Yep, they’s BLACK people living there! Just like walking the streets. Acting like they belong their or something and nobody says anyyhing. Even allowed to live in houses. And those fucking lunatic judges just sit on their asses, won’t round them up, won’t even let us lynch them or drive them out ourselves. Crazy!
Passing out Klan literature again?
What a miserable way to go through life in the modern age.
Blacks commit 90% of the violent crime in New York City. Truth must hurt ou.
Fuck "Carry Permits", it's called "Civil Disobedience" like Martin L did "Back in the Day", and Bernie Getz more (relatively) recently. Love that Bee-otch Hochul wondering why people are concerned about crime, if I had a squad of New York State Troopers I wouldn't be concerned either.
Frank "Always packing" (OK, not on airliners, not alot of muggings on Delta)
Open Thursday Thread is too late for this. Is the good Rev on vacation? Or did he zip it the past few weeks from his daily joy of stirring the rubes?
Almost like he realized outraging the opposition right before a collapsing election might not actually be useful.
Profs. Volokh and Blackman stir the rubes.
I mock, excoriate, and humiliate the rubes.
That, and enjoy victory in the culture war.
You know, I’m actually fairly neutral on this. I’m not saying NY Pistol & Rifle was wrong. Just acknowledging that NY Pistol & Rifle could be read narrowly, and under a narrow reading some of the NY rules would survive. Also pointing out conservative legislatures have often interpreted liberal rulings they disagreed with narrowly and attempted to ensure some restrictions survive. And both sides have sometimes been vindicated when a narrower ruling was accepted and the most extreme “obvious” implications of the original ruling were rejected. Examples on the conservative side include the death penalty, obscenity, public prayer and religious displays, and abortion. After issuing sweeping rulings striking down laws wholesale, in all these issues (and more) the Court eventually found laws it was willing to uphold without overruling the original ruling. (Although tbe Court didn’t uphold many abortion restrictions before Dobbs, it did gradually narrow Roe somewhat at the margins in the cases in between. In any event conservative state legislatures thought it perfectly legitimate to keep trying, and they kept trying for decades). In all these cases the Court’s narrowing rulings disappointed liberals who thought the whole issue had been put to bed when the original ruling came out.
This could be the case here. Roberts, Kavanaugh, and Barrett do not appear to be movement 2nd Amendment people in quite the way Gorsuch, Thomas, and Alito are. Two of them might be willing to join the 3 liberals to uphold some restrictions.
Liberals in the New York legislature are therefore within their rights, and well within longstanding past practice of legislative majorities both right and left, to explore the boundaries of the ruling and test to see of this might turn out to be the case here.
But we have gotten a world so crazy that any sort of simple fairness – simply pointing out that the goose also did this and what’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander – is considered a kind of treason against the cause.
Frankly, I don’t want to have anything to do with any cause that considers simple fairness to be treason against it.
The problem here is that we're not talking about some random law that happens to incidentally brush up against a constitutional right. We're talking about a law that was adopted specifically to infringe a constitutional right. Such laws deserve no particular deference.
No different from my examples above. Death penalty laws after Furman were designed to test the boundaries of Furman. Religion laws after Lemon were designed to test the boundaries of Lemon. And so on. Each of these could equally be described by their opponents as “specifically intended to infringe a constitutional right.” Any attempt to narrow a sweeping ruling establishing a constitutional right could be described as an attempt to infringe on that right.
But in each of these cases, opponents of the sweeping liberal ruling got later narrowing rulings upholding the conservative position at least to some extent. Gregg narrowed Furman. Marsh v. Chambers narrowed Lemon. Casey slightly narrowed Roe. And so on.
I just don’t see what’s going on here as any different. The NY legislators are probably starry-eyed optimists if they think the Supreme Court will uphold every restriction they’ve passed. But it might uphold some. As these older cases illustrate, it’s certainly happened in the past. And if they don’t try, they won’t get anything at all, will they? There would have been no death penalty if legislatures had taken Furman at face value, no legislative prayer if they had rolled over and played dead when Lemon came out, no ban on government funding of abortions,and no 20 week limit if they hadn’t tried to push back on Roe. Etc. etc. etc.
“Death penalty laws after Furman were designed to test the boundaries of Furman.”
But they weren’t passing death penalty laws with the aim of killing as many people as possible, and thinking, “Hey, maybe the courts will let us get away with killing people if we stick to killing murderers, instead of just everybody, as we’d prefer.” They thought the death penalty was an appropriate penalty for murder, and were trying to see where the Court would permit it.
Here, the goal IS just maximally violating the right. The rights violation isn’t an incidental cost of a legitimate public goal, it literally IS the goal.
Anti-abortion legislation would be a good comparison, if there actually was a right to abortion explicitly in the Bill of Rights. And they were passing laws specifically to stop abortions, not for some other purpose, but just specifically because they thought abortions were heinous.
The legislators here think gun ownership and carrying his itself a heinous offense.
Correct. And as long as there's no cost to Democrat Party politicians to playing these games, they'll continue doing so.
I think the words missing from this argument are "bad faith." If SCOTUS (or any appellate court) says that some regulations of X (abortion, guns, speech, whatever) are valid but others go too far, it's perfectly legitimate for a legislature to try to feel out where the boundaries are. And in our federal system which forbids advisory opinions, the only way for a legislature to do that is to pass a law forbidding some things relating to X, and see if the courts uphold it.
But there's a difference between that and passing laws that have been expressly ruled out, solely in the hopes that the courts won't catch all of them. Just like a lawyer is ethically allowed to make an argument otherwise foreclosed by precedent, if he has a good faith argument for an extension, modification or reversal of existing law, is not permitted to just assert a claim barred by precedent in the hopes that he can sneak it by.
Fuck you. Hochul as much as admitted that under New York’s rule, carry won’t be allowed anywhere outside of the streets and sidewalks (but not in Times Square). This isn’t “exploring the boundaries of the ruling,” but directly defying it.
In any case, all of the rulings on the death penalty, prayer, abortions have no basis in the Constitution, so trying to defy them is not only Constitutional, but a moral imperative.
If that’s really your view, then you fully understand the moral imperative your political opponents have to oppose constitutional rulings they find illegitimate. Nor can you in any way fault them for doing what you yourself acknowledge to be the morally obligatory thing to do.
Except that there's no good faith argument that Heller or Bruen are constitutionally illegitimate. It's not the ruling they don't like. It's the Constitution. They've as much as admitted it. There's no way you can say in good faith that gun rights are not protected by the Constitution, while third trimester abortions and gay anal sex are.
you left out "Gargle with Pubes" Jerry
I like that the judge noted that being in a drinking establishment is different than drinking in one. Maybe NY politicians cannot not drink in bars, given how much of their business was done there in the past. But many of the rest of us don’t have that problem. For me, I rarely drink in public, so am often the Designated Driver. Never drank much after college (and living in a fraternity). I know that supposedly I would live longer if I were to have a glass of wine with dinner, but never can get a string of more than two nights in a row going. Of course, the state gives away the game, by essentially allowing employees of licensed protection firms, on and off duty police, etc carry in drinking facilities for protection of their clients.
Q: What's the opposite of "common sense" gun-control laws?
A: Draconian regulation of firearms, seeking to disarm the law-abiding citizens.
Q: Who'd want to do that?
A: Leftists. Their idea of "government" is to tax you to death, give the money they don't pocket themselves to "the underprivileged," then, to the extent possible, leave you to your own devices -- without effective police protection against criminals and without being able to defend yourself.
Now, unless you're one of "the underprivileged" getting all the "free" stuff, and/or one of the beneficiaries of "progressive" policing, why in God's name would you vote for these people?!
Sometimes they get bitten by their own rules, like if Paul Pelosi had a S&W model 37 under his pillow he could have made short work of his uppity gay prostitute.
NY didn’t tip their hand with their anti-Bruen law, they threw them down face up so all could see their pair of deuces. But they won’t fold until they’ve anteed up all the taxpayers money they can… Or will they take the humiliation? Again? Why not…