The Volokh Conspiracy
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Government Can't Compel the Creation of Wedding Websites
The Tenth Circuit erred in concluding otherwise, undermining a freedom critical to the LGBT-rights movement itself.
Today Eugene and I filed an amicus brief in the Supreme Court in support of the petitioners in 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis, arguing that wedding-website designers cannot be required by a state public accommodations law to create website designs for same-sex couples. The Tenth Circuit erred in concluding otherwise, undermining a freedom critical to the LGBT-rights movement itself.
Here is the Summary of Argument:
This case is about protecting the constitutional right to free expression while allowing government to generally ensure equal access to commercial goods and services.
"Our society has come to the recognition that gay persons and gay couples cannot be treated as social outcasts or as inferior in dignity and worth," this Court wrote in Masterpiece Cakeshop, Ltd. v. Colorado C.R. Comm'n, 138 S. Ct. 1719, 1727 (2018), another case involving Colorado's ongoing efforts to eliminate the discrimination it once fostered (see Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996) (invalidating state constitutional amendment denying civil rights protections to homosexuals)). "For that reason," this Court continued, "the laws and the Constitution can, and in some instances must, protect them in the exercise of their civil rights. The exercise of their freedom on terms equal to others must be given great weight and respect by the courts." Masterpiece Cakeshop, 138 S. Ct. at 1727.
At the same time, the First Amendment freedom not to speak must include the freedom not to create speech, and the freedom to choose which speech to engage in or create based on the religious, political, or sexual-orientation-related content of the speech. A freelance writer cannot be punished for refusing to write press releases for the Church of Scientology, even if he is willing to work for other religious groups. A musician cannot be punished for refusing to play at Republican-themed events, even if he will play at other political events, and even if the jurisdiction bans discrimination based on political affiliation in public accommodations. See Eugene Volokh, Bans on Political Discrimination in Places of Public Accommodation and Housing, 15 NYU J. L. & Liberty 490 (2021). Likewise, a photographer or a wedding singer should not be punished for refusing to take photographs celebrating a same-sex wedding, or for refusing to sing at such a wedding.
Indeed, this Court has generally recognized that the First Amendment protects the right of individuals to speak, or to refrain from speaking, even when the government cites a compelling interest in forbidding discrimination. In Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Group of Boston, 515 U.S. 557 (1995), for example, this Court held that a state public accommodations law could not constitutionally require that organizers of a St. Patrick's Day Parade let an Irish gay, lesbian, and bisexual contingent march behind a banner merely proclaiming their presence.
Of course, the First Amendment shields refusals to speak, but does not extend to refusals to do things that are not a form of speech. Limousine drivers, hotel operators, and caterers should not have a Free Speech Clause right to exempt themselves from antidiscrimination law in their professional activities, because in those cases the law is not compelling them to speak or to create First Amendment-protected expression. Likewise, though the First Amendment shields refusals to participate as a co-creator in others' speech— say, as an actor or a musical accompanist or a singer— again the limousine driver, hotel operator, or caterer would not qualify as co-creators of the speech involved in the wedding. This Court has rejected "the view that an apparently limitless variety of conduct can be labeled 'speech' whenever the person engaging in the conduct intends thereby to express an idea." United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 376 (1968). There must also be limits set on the variety of conduct compulsions that can be labeled "speech compulsions," and on the degree and quality of involvement that can be labeled compelled "participation" in a ceremony.
Fortunately, this case does not call on this Court to define such limits with precision, because there is no serious question that it involves compelled speech. The Tenth Circuit recognized that Smith's "creation of wedding websites"—through her sole proprietorship, 303 Creative—"is pure speech." Pet. 20a. It acknowledged specifically that the Accommodations Clause of the Colorado Anti-Discrimination Act ("CADA") "compels [Smith] to create speech" celebrating marriages that her conscience tells her she cannot celebrate and understood that such compulsion necessarily "works as a content-based restriction." Pet. 22a–23a. The lower court even recognized that Smith is willing to work with, and design websites for, LGBT customers in nearly all other circumstances. Pet. 6a.
Yet the Tenth Circuit failed to follow this Court's speech-protective lead in Hurley and other decisions. Pet. 19a–34a. If Smith sells graphic designs celebrating the marriages of some couples, according to the Tenth Circuit, Colorado can demand that she create and sell similar graphic designs to celebrate the marriages of all couples. Pet. 27a–28a. In essence, even though comparable website-design services are widely available, the lower court believed that the harm of being denied access to a single person's creative designs is sufficient to let the government compel that person to speak in ways that violate her conscience. See Pet. 26a–32a. That cannot be correct.
Because it is easy to appreciate how this case implicates speech rights—as even the Tenth Circuit did—it affords this Court a prime opportunity to affirm the basic holding of Hurley, Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U.S. 705 (1977), and Miami Herald Pub. Co. v. Tornillo, 418 U.S. 241 (1974): the First Amendment's protections for the "individual freedom of mind" mean that the government may not require people to create and distribute speech with which they disagree and cannot force them to change their message because they have decided to speak. Wooley, 430 U.S. at 714.
In Masterpiece Cakeshop, this Court expressly recognized the "authority of a State and its governmental entities to protect the rights and dignity of gay persons who are, or wish to be, married but who face discrimination when they seek goods or services." 138 S. Ct. at 1723. This case allows this Court to add that, despite their importance, state laws prohibiting discrimination in such public accommodations are subject to the First Amendment's limits on governmental power. And it provides this Court the opportunity to reject the corrosive version of strict scrutiny applied by the Tenth Circuit, which defers to the state's choice of means in any case involving custom expressive products in the commercial marketplace
And we offer this thought from the Conclusion:
The First Amendment has historically protected the rights of Americans to organize politically and to advocate unpopular causes. This protection has been especially critical for the LGBT-rights movement. See Dale Carpenter, Born in Dissent: Free Speech and Gay Rights, 72 SMU L. Rev. 375 (2019); Carpenter, Expressive Association, 85 Minn. L. Rev. at 1525-33. With such expressive freedom secure, "[m]illions of gay and lesbian Americans have worked hard for many decades to achieve equal treatment in fact and in law. They have exhibited extraordinary vision, tenacity, and grit—battling often steep odds in the legislative and judicial arenas, not to mention in their daily lives." Bostock v. Clayton Cty., 140 S. Ct. 1731, 1837 (2020) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting).
Joining us as amici were Ilya Shapiro (formerly with the Cato Institute), the American Unity Fund (AUF), and the Hamilton Lincoln Law Institute (HLLI). Contributing as counsel were Devan Patel of AUF, and Theodore Frank, Anna St. John, and Adam Schulman of HLLI. I want to thank my research assistant Joshua Diaz (SMU Law '23) for his invaluable assistance on the brief.
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"the limousine driver, hotel operator, or caterer would not qualify as co-creators of the speech involved in the wedding"
"Hey, Uber, can you send someone over to drive me to the anniversary celebration of Clarence and Ginni Thomas?"
"And after that, take me to the Capitol, we're having a protest against the electoral count."
I've been reliably informed (by Uber) that they are not a transport company, but only an app provider. If their app doesn't do speech, what does it do? So surely Uber must have the 1st amendment right not to speak, via its app, to any driver or any passenger it pleases?
I don't know about Uber specifically, but the Fair Housing Act makes it illegal to
and this has been upheld by courts, so I expect courts would uphold similar requirements regarding transport services.
That, too, sounds like something that's clearly unconstitutional under the Trump Court approach to the constitution.
It should be perfectly legal for me to sell or rent my property to whoever I choose. The Fair Housing Act, and the "public accommodations" portions of the Civil Rights Act, are an illiberal abomination.
"Of course, the First Amendment shields refusals to speak, but does not extend to refusals to do things that are not a form of speech."
I hate that all our rights have to be crammed into the 1st amendment, because it's the only amendment in the Bill of Rights the courts take halfway seriously.
We already have an amendment dealing with refusals to do things that are not a form of speech, but instead labor. The 13th. But the government has fallen in love with compelling servitude, and the courts can't bring themselves to put a stop to it, because Lochner.
That would be a better argument if these laws required a specific person, as opposed to a business, to do a specific thing. But they don't, so it isn't. If these people don't want to do the work, they're welcome to hire someone else to do it instead, as long as it gets done.
Because having to personally search out and find a subcontractor and negotiate terms isn’t labor?
The business, as a whole, has to do something. But no specific person within the business has to do anything. So I'm not sure where you go that "personally" from.
And if the entire business consists of one person?
Then the whole business is free to organise itself differently.
By "free to", you mean "compelled to, against their will".
Freedom of association used to be a thing too, once upon a time.
Uh, involuntary servitude doesn't mean what you seem to think it means. Don't beclown yourself.
It doesn't mean serving involuntarily?
Involuntary servitude "encompass[es] coercion of any form that actually succeeds in reducing the victim to a condition of servitude resembling that in which slaves were held before the Civil War." United States v. Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931, 962 (1988). "[C]omplete domination over all aspects of the victim's life, oppressive working and living conditions, and lack of pay or personal freedom are the hallmarks of that slave-like condition of servitude." Id., at 962-63.
So, they've taken an amendment which prohibits slavery AND involuntary servitude, and transformed it into one which prohibits slavery and... slavery.
This is how you narrow an amendment you don't like having to apply.
To call this "narrowing" the amendment would require you show that the amendment was ever understood to mean what Brett Bellmore thinks it means.
The nature of the narrowing rests in the dramatic expansion of public accommodation law beyond the few businesses understood to be subject to it at the time the 13th and 14th amendments.
It would be like taking the libel exception to freedom of speech, and extending it to all public speech; A recognized, narrow exception to the liberty in question has swallowed the right.
Nonresponsive.
Once again: at the time of the 13th amendment — or any other time — was it understood to be as broad as you think it is?
I suggest you look at Butler v. Perry, long before any "dramatic expansion of public accommodation law," to see that the 13th amendment just never was understood to mean what you think it should mean.
Which is obviously a wrong decision that appears ill-motivated.
How could anyone write an amendment prohibiting being forced to work involuntarily? Courts will just say we don't care about any of the words, we say it means some very, very specific thing so no one can use it in ways we don't personally prefer.
"At our Klavern meeting, we plan to drink beer and then piss on a giant picture of Martin Luther King, Jr. Not just any beer would suffice, I want to buy your finest craft beer."
Sounds like an unconstitutional taking to me!
So do you remember when, during the oral arguments for Masterpiece Cakeshop, the baker's lawyer had no coherent answer for why he should be able to refuse a wedding cake for gay people, but obviously would still be obligated to make a wedding cake for Black people?
Because I do. He had no answer. The argument worked the same, clear as anyone could see: if he can refuse the "message" in a wedding cake for people who are gay, he can refuse the "message" in a wedding cake for people who are Black (or Jewish, or Irish, or etc. and so-on). But the lawyer was unwilling to fess up to that, and embarassingly meandered about not-answering.
If you're going after the same argument --this service which we do not contest is a public accomodation should not be covered under non-discrimiantion in public accomodation law because it is "speech"-- then I hope you found an answer that was more satisfactory.
Because 9-gives-you-10, if y'all are just going to the SCOTUS with "we don't think this public accommodation should be covered by public accommodation law" again, you're going to get a similar answer: a narrow ruling that kicks the can down the road without ruling on the substantive issues.
And heaven forbid y'all just say "hey, this service probably shouldn't be considered a public accommodation in the first place". I mean, if you did that you would just be endorsing "liberty", rather then "liberty against serving gay people specifically".
Why do you think prof. Volokh is blogging about slippery slopes this week?
I agree with you that "public accomodation" has been stretched far beyond what it originally meant. Unfortunately, that is generally a matter of state law, as to which SCOTUS has no power to review.
No, actually the Supreme court reviews state laws all the time, on account of the Supremacy clause. They would 'simply' have to find that it had been stretched, not beyond what it originally meant, but rather, to the point of compromising some constitutional right.
The problem here is the judiciary's allergy to Lochner. They break out in hives at the thought of upholding anything that might look like an economic liberty, and never mind that economic liberties are pretty clearly a good example of a 9th amendment right.
Bored Lawyer is referring to statutory interpretation. See for example Dale where the New jersey supreme court held the Boy Scouts were a public accommodation. SCOTUS did not dispute that interpretation (but of course then held the right to expressive association protected by the First Amendment was violated).
I agree with Dale's brief and believe it also protects the website creator from creating messages whose refusal would be considered discrimination on the basis of race (e.g., a refusal to serve an interracial marriage).
To equate black people with gay people is FUCKING racist -- shame on you!!!!!
How is that comparison racist? Each group is a historically disadvantaged minority, defined by an inherent and immutable characteristic. Black LGBTs and white LGBTs alike have suffered discrimination.
The argument worked the same, clear as anyone could see: if he can refuse the "message" in a wedding cake for people who are gay, he can refuse the "message" in a wedding cake for people who are Black (or Jewish, or Irish, or etc. and so-on). But the lawyer was unwilling to fess up to that, and embarassingly meandered about not-answering.
What is "the Black message" and how is it analogous?
The only thing embarrassing here is that you think you've made a good point.
What he should've argued is: As a private business owner, I should be free to refuse service to whoever I want. Period.
Prof. Volokh has become rigorously consistent with respect to emerging legal issues concerning freedom of expression:
He consistently concludes the clingers should win the argument, whether the result involves (1) freeing someone to express a bigoted position by refusing to build a website or (2) compelling a different publisher to host bigoted speech.
Carry on, often libertarians!
Eugene wrote a brief against the Colorado baker.
Prof. Volokh's views -- or at least his public positions -- are evolving before our eyes.
He hasn't wavered in his opposition to the Colorado baker.
Well, they do say, "often" libertarian, which is to say, sometimes libertarian, but often not.
I tend to agree with the reasoning of the amicus brief excerpted here. The Tenth Circuit opinion is weak in its treatment of the narrow tailoring requirement of strict scrutiny.
I hope that the website designer wins before SCOTUS, and I hope fervently that the Court confines its analysis to the First Amendment issues presented. With five members of the Court prepared to jettison stare decisis, heaven help us if they revisit the proposition "that a bare desire to harm a politically unpopular group cannot constitute a legitimate governmental interest." Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 634 (1996).
Once more, a bunch of lawyers arguing legal BS. Never underestimate the ability of a lawyer to use the law to deny people of their liberties.
Here is a contrarian position which will offend many: anti-discrimination laws should not exist. The right of a person to deny their services to others for any reason should not be subject to legal consequences.
Discrimination — choosing one thing over another — is an inevitable feature of the material world where scarcity of goods and time is the pervasive feature. There is no getting around it. You must discriminate, and therefore you must have the freedom to discriminate, which only means the freedom to choose. Without discrimination, there is no economizing taking place. It is chaos.
The alternative to anti-discrimination laws is the concept that society is not rooted in conflict but rather, in cooperation, and that no central administration is necessary to bring about social peace. Yes, there are problems and conflicts but there is no institution more likely to resolve them than the free market itself. People must be permitted to work out their own problems and the result will be a flourishing of all groups.
And I cannot stress this enough. It is government intervention which enables and creates most societal conflict. Jim Crow and Black Codes are examples of central administrations which codified and created societal conflict by enforcing a particular discrimination and prevented the free market from resolving problems and conflicts.
I wonder how many people who think web designers who are asked to design websites for same-sex weddings should have to do so would agree that, under the same principle, lawyers who are asked to represent the Westwood Baptist Church should have to do so.
This question is important, but it seems to me that the development of the official site is being delayed simply because there are many more relevant requests. It's no secret that the number and quality of marriages are declining year after year. I have an official relationship. But there are many who are ready to date with matures to fuck. Yes, it may sound harsh, but it is part of our life. It cannot simply be ignored.
Ever notice how lawyer types can't ever discuss anything on its own terms. It's a website, not surgery (and what about those who died because of Lazy-in-Chief's vaccine nonsense).
So every person with a complaint gets to play the SCOTUS Lottery. "Maybe I'll be able to run this baker out of business, worth a try"
IF you asked 50 of my weekly acquaintances from the neighborhood and work they'd say, "Tell those gay troublemakers to get a goddam cake somewhere else"