Julian Sanchez | June 7, 2005
There's an interesting discussion (well, bits anyway) in the comments at this post on the Washington Monthly's blog Political Animal. Jacob Levy points out that, pace Kevin Drum, conservative pundits have mostly stayed true to their principles in their reaction to this decision. Interesting also to see a number of liberals saying things to the effect of: "I'm all for a broad Commerce Clause power, but this is obviously beyond the pale—growing pot for your own consumption isn't 'commerce'!"
The thing is, as another commenter notes, this seems in many ways to fall squarely within the scope of the Wickard v. Filburn ruling. Randy Barnett did his damndest to distinguish them, but if wheat grown for personal consumption (which might nevertheless indirectly affect prices in interstate wheat markets) falls under the commerce power, it's pretty tough going to argue that marijuana grown for personal consumption doesn't. If you think the court made the wrong call here, what it really entails is that you think the court should revisit Wickard. But stare decisis is a harsh mistress...
Addendum: Will Baude over at The New Republic makes an argument similar to (my recollection of) Barnett's: There needs to be an empirical showing that California would be unable to prevent Cali-pot from seeping into the interstate markets. Of course, there's still the Wickard-esque argument that patients unable to grow their own might have recourse to dope from the illegal market, some of which might come from out of state. (Though, really, if you're in California... why?) But you'd think the government would rather welcome a policy that had the effect of reducing demand in illegal interstate or international markets.
Also, Matt Yglesias makes me sad sometimes. He's right, I suppose, that a decision in Raich limiting federal power could have "bad consequences" from a modern-liberal perspective, but doesn't get at what one hopes would be the core question: Is there really a sane reading of the Constitution on which growing dope in your garden for your own use is interstate commerce?
Help Reason celebrate its next 40 years. Donate Now!
Try Reason's award-winning print edition today! Your first issue is FREE if you are not completely satisfied.
Stare decisis is a scaggly, tattooed, wrinkled, botoxed whore
past her sell-by date.
Or not. I was just playing with the "harsh mistress" idea.
I don't care a wit for the legal merits, but imho a better situation would be allowing broad federal regulation with better mechanisms in place to limit abuse. Not allowing medical marijuana should be a national scandal, however [and I believe it will be in the future].
What the court has told us is that it's going to take a
constitutional amendment to get rid of this Wickard v.
Filburn shit. So let's get that amendment drafted and start
pushing it. Call it the "constitutional government restoration
amendment" or some such.
At the very least, we may be able to see, seat-by-seat, which of
our "representatives" are which sort of whores.
--G
"Broad federal regulation" and "limiting abuse" don't really go together all that well. I'd prefer narrow federal regulation, and if something absolutely needs to be added later on, pass an amendment allowing it. I call the idea "enumerated powers".
If you think the court made the wrong call here, what it
really entails is that you think the court should revisit
Wickard.
As I have been saying for years, Wickard was the headstone on the
grave of limited government and enumerated powers.
Grant Gould, dream on. :-)
I too have such fantasies of congress restraining itself from
legislating everything and everything, but let's not get our hopes
up. Besides, there are LOTS of people in this country - I would
guess well over 75% of the voting population (total guess, no stats
to back that up) - who are quite happy with a powerful legislature
and a flexible constitution... as long as their people are in
power.
"So let's get that amendment drafted and start pushing
it."
Here's my draft language (feel free to propose changes):
The power created by Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 shall only
extend to persons, goods, services, and other things transiting
among the Several States and the Indian Tribes, and between the
United States and foreign Nations, for commercial
purposes.
(The capitalization and language look odd because I've attempted to
mirror the Commerce Clause's wording.)
Think we could get Ron Paul to submit it?
I think the reaction-as-expected had a lot to do with which way the ruling came down. If they had ruled in favor of medical marjuana, a lot of cultural conservatives/drug war types would have been screaming about it. But because the ruling didn't actually upset anything, only the people who were following the issue closely have much reaction to it.
So now the SCOTUS is using Wickard to protect an
ILLEGAL market??
What about the poor brothels being put out of business by chicks
who put out for nuthin'?
Good one jc, but I think women who masturbate would be the
targets of a Wickard-esque decision in regard to
prostitution.
Of course, there's no federal law against intrastate prostitution.
At least not yet...
Is there really a sane reading of the Constitution on which
growing dope in your garden for your own use is interstate
commerce?
Julian, Julian, Julian. You're using the concept of "sanity" to
apply to government again. Wash your hands twice.
I respect Matt Y kind of for the same reasons I respect our
local joe. There is something to be said for the liberal who admits
that federalism needs to be flushed by a very strong central
government for the world to be made in accordance with his ideals.
As with most ideologies, many followers of liberalism reject that
there is a down side of their preferred policies. Matt has always
been explicit that he is fine with tons of regulations and very
strong governments.
I similarly respect the libertarian who doesn't feel the need to
perform contortions to demonstrate that the market will provide
absolutely everything the government does and for the same number
of people.
These two kinds of clean ideologal arguments help shed light on
what the real trade offs of various policies might be.
Unfortunately, most discussions wind up with liberals insisting
that they are in fact protecting liberty and libertarians insisting
that there is no more risk associated with thier policy
preferences.
Well if someone buys a pet bird in, say, Northern California, and that bird flies their coop and somehow lands in their neighbor's garden, and while it's there it eats a pot bud with some seeds in it, and if that bird then -- high out of its mind -- flies to Oregon, and then it takes a crap in some Oregonian's garden, and it ends up crapping out a pot seed, and that seed somehow manages to get lodged in the Oregon soil and grow into a pot plant, well then I can see how the Court got it exactly right in this case.
Here's my draft language (feel free to propose
changes):
Okay, how about this:
Amendment XXVIII: With regard to interstate commerce, interstate
means interstate, and commerce means commerce. Period. This time,
we mean it.
"Of course, there's no federal law against intrastate
prostitution. At least not yet..."
Is that where he/she bends over the state line?
How long will it take until someone tries to argue that speech really isn't speech but a species of commerce as a commodity in the free market of ideas?
So now the SCOTUS is using Wickard to protect an ILLEGAL
market??
Why shouldn't they? You're already required to report income from
drug
dealing and bribes on your taxes.
Is there really a sane reading of the Constitution on which growing dope in your garden for your own use is interstate commerce?
No, but there doesn't need to be. Far be it from
me to defend yesterday's ruling, but the real question is (1)
whether there's a sane reading of the Constitution in which banning
interstate drug trade is a valid exercise of the commerce power,
and (2) if so, whether banning personal possession of dope outright
is "necessary and proper" to its enforcement. If I agreed with the
government on #1, I'd have little choice but to concede #2.
Stare decisis may be a harsh mistress for lower courts, but the
Supreme Court has ignored it often enough before, when the justices
felt that an old ruling had been decided incorrectly.
And yes, those of us who aren't actually stoned but nevertheless
passionately wanted this to go the other way _do_ want to see
Wickard overturned. Anyone who knows the history of Commerce Clause
jurisdiction can recognize that as the turning point in the course
of federal power...and those of us on the libertarian side of the
debate are likely, if we know the facts, to regard that decision as
one of the worst (if not _absolutely_ the worst) ever made.
The invalidation of Wickard could have been the critical chink in
the armor of interventionist government. Few people realize just
how many REALLY BAD laws would be invalidated without Wickard to
prop them up.
A piece at Wired about a lawsiut to break the Government's
monoploy on medical marijuana
http://www.wired.com/news/medtech/0,1286,67780,00.html?tw=wn_tophead_4
My take is that the Commerce Clause's litmus test of "interstate commerce" is akin to the butterfly effect. If I grow a bell pepper in my backyard, then that means there's one less bell pepper that I will be purchasing from the store, which, by all means, might have come from across state lines. Thus, the government may regulate pretty much anything that I do. If I take a shit in my own house, then I am, in effect, not taking a shit at a pay toilet across state lines. So, the government may regulate my shitting. Clarence was right: if the government can regulate this using the "commerce clause", then nothing, NOTHING, is safe.
"If I agreed with the government on #1, I'd have little
choice but to concede #2.
Not so, unless your reading of the commerce clause is like my
aforementioned "butterfly effect" reading. Personal possession of a
good can exist without interstate trading of that
good. Interstate trade is not a necessary accompaniment to personal
possession/use. Not that I actually agree with #1, but, I'm just
saying, #2 does not follow.
Not exactly. By its terms, the commerce clause merely authorizes
Congress to regulate interstate commerce, not to regulate
everything that may impact it in any way. However, the commerce
clause is not the only constitutional provision in play here, the
other being the "necessary and proper" clause. Clearly, the N&P
clause authorizes Congress to do something beyond
regulating interstate commerce directly; else the N&P clause
would be a nullity. The question is what, and how much.
Suppose, for example, that Congress amended the federal law to
allow private, noncommercial possession of all drugs, while
imposing Draconian sentences on anyone who sold large quantities of
it, intrastate or interstate. Would that not be "necessary and
proper" to the enforcement of a ban intended to keep drugs from
crossing state lines? How about a ban on dealer quantities
(assuming, of course, that the bar is set high enough to only
affect dealers and traffickers, not the druggie equivalents of
Costco shoppers)?
I'd say in both cases that the "necessary and proper" test is met
in both cases; it's just a question of what they were necessary and
proper to, and whether that objective was within
Congress's commerce power.
Site comments/questions:
Media Inquiries and Reprint Permissions:
(310) 367-6109
Editorial & Production Offices:
3415 S. Sepulveda Blvd.
Suite 400
Los Angeles, CA 90034
(310) 391-2245