Michael J. Totten from the October 2007 issue
In a green valley nestled between snow-capped peaks in the Kurdish autonomous region of northern Iraq is an armed camp of revolutionaries preparing to overthrow the Islamic Republic of Iran. Men with automatic weapons stand watch on the roofs of the houses. Party flags snap in the wind. Radio and satellite TV stations beam illegal news, commentary, and music into homes and government offices across the border.
The compound resembles a small town more than a base, with corner stores, a bakery, and a makeshift hospital stocked with counterfeit medicine. From there the rebels can see for miles around and get a straight-shot view toward Iran, the land they call home. They call themselves Komala, which means simply “Association.”
Abdulla Mohtadi, the Komala Party’s secretary general, and Abu Baker Modarresi, a member of the party’s political bureau, hosted me in their meeting house. Sofas and chairs lined the walls, as is typical in Middle Eastern salons. Fresh fruit was provided in large bowls. A houseboy served thick Turkish coffee in shot glasses.
Both men started their revolutionary careers decades ago, when the tyrannical Shah Reza Pahlavi still ruled Iran. “We were a leftist organization,” Mohtadi said, speaking softly with an almost flawless British accent. “It was the ’60s and ’70s. It was a struggle against the Shah, against oppression, dictatorship, for social justice, and against—the United States.” He seemed slightly embarrassed by this. “Sorry,” he said.
I told him not to worry, that I hadn’t expected anything else. The U.S. government had backed the dictatorship he fought to destroy. Pro-American politics had not been an option.
The Shah’s secret police, the SAVAK, arrested Mohtadi and his closest comrades. He suffered three years of confinement and torture in the dictator’s dungeons. Modarresi quietly sipped his coffee while Mohtadi explained this to me, interrupting only to say that he too was arrested and tortured, and jailed for four years. Both were later released. And both took part in the 1979 revolution that brought down the state.
The even more tyrannical Ayatollah Khomeini replaced Reza Pahlavi, and the Iranian Revolution, like so many others before it, devoured its children. It had been broad-based and popular at the beginning: Liberals allied with leftists, and leftists allied with Islamists. It didn’t seem like a recipe for fascism, but that’s what they got. The Islamists came out on top and smashed the liberals and leftists.
Mohtadi is still a critic of the United States, though he is much milder about it today. “There has been lots of oppression,” he said, “and killings and torture and expelling people from their land and sending them to internal exile in Iran and shelling the cities and all kinds of oppression. The problem with the policy of the United States is that for a long time they neglected the violations of human rights in Iran. Also the European governments, the European countries, they didn’t say anything about the atrocities going on in Iran. They called it a critical dialogue, but it was not a critical dialogue. It was lucrative trade with Iran.”
Komala vs. Komala
Don’t confuse the Komala
Party with the Komala Party. Iraqi Kurdistan hosts two exiled
leftist parties from Iranian Kurdistan, both with the same name,
the same (red) flag, and the same founder. Both parties have armed
camps and military wings. Both built their compounds on the same
road outside the city of Suleimaniya. They’re right next to each
other, in fact. Stand in the right place, and you can see one from
the other. The difference is that one is liberal and the other is
communist.
I didn’t know there were two until I set up an appointment to meet Mohtadi, of the liberal Komala Party, and wound up inside the communist camp, unannounced. The communists were good sports about my mistake. They granted me interviews, introduced me to Secretary General Hassan Rahman Panah, and fed me lunch. They gave me the grand tour. They didn’t tell me I was at the wrong compound. That news came from Modarresi, when he called to ask why I hadn’t shown up.
On the surface, the two parties are more confusingly interchangeable than the Judean People’s Front and the People’s Front of Judea in Monty Python’s Life of Brian. Perhaps not coincidentally, Mohtadi says Life of Brian is one of his favorite movies.
Today’s liberal Komala Party members belonged to the communist Komala Party and the larger Iranian Communist Party until they bitterly divorced in the 1980s.
“They were hard left, to the point of Maoist, at one point,” says Andrew Apostolou, a Brookings Institution historian who specializes in the region and knows Komala well. “We took part in the Communist Party of Iran,” Mohtadi said, “but after some years we realized it was a mistake. We criticized that and split from them. It took some years, of course. It was not just like that.” He snapped his fingers.
“You split with them over what, precisely?” I said.
“Over so many things,” he said, his voice heavy with disappointment. “They have lost contact with the realities of the society. They have no sympathy for the democratic movement in Iran. We think the time for that kind of left is over.” Mohtadi disagrees with Iran’s communists on every point that matters: human rights, democracy, economics, the appropriate use of violence, the proper stance toward the West. Komala’s economic views are still leftist, like those of small-s “socialists” in Europe, but Mohtadi flatly rejects systems like Cuba’s. “I know they have social achievements in health care and education and all that,” he said. “But in terms of political oppression and cult of personality, that’s outdated. It’s not acceptable for a modern civil society.”
Help Reason celebrate its next 40 years. Donate Now!
Try Reason's award-winning print edition today! Your first issue is FREE if you are not completely satisfied.
More "regime change" propaganda from the Unreasonoids. What's next: General Petraeus on the Wonders of the Surge?
Very interesting. However I'm not sure if the situation Abadi is wanting is wise. It may produce a divided Iran at war with each other similar to what's happened in Iraq. That would be a huge problem for the invasion force and it would take years to resolve. America does not need another Iraq situation. Nor do we need greater instability in the Mid-East.
Wow. This is simply one of the most interesting articles I've
ever read at Reason.com.
And this article is definitely not pro-invasion.
Where are all the editorials, demonstrations and UN resolutions for a Kurdish homeland? Oh yeah, that would run counter to the wishes of the Arabs, Persians and Turks. It's not like they're Jews or anything.
It's a very interesting assertion that Islamic law isn't very
popular once it's implemented. If true--and I believe that it is,
except as a marginally better solution to some other oppressive
regime--it puts lie to the claim that all Muslims are looking to
convert the world by the sword to sharia.
Of course, a lot of people know that already, but Totten is
well-respected among the "warbloggers", so maybe this new thought
for them will be the thin edge of the wedge.
1. Turkic Azeris. Not Turkish Azeris.
2. I remember reading about how different Iraq was, too, before
that war. Iraq was a ripe target for regime change because IT was
so very advanced, compared to its neighbors.
It is a fascinating article, and I admire the guy for being
brave enough to enter a compound of armed rebels.
I'm sure Iran is ripe for change. But that's not the same as being
ripe for invasion.
More "regime change" propaganda from the Unreasonoids. What's next: General Petraeus on the Wonders of the Surge?
With due respect, Michael Totten isn't advocating a policy of
intervention in order to create (or hasten) regime change. He may
have advocated forms of interventionism in other articles, but not
in this one. He's just giving us the skinny on the Iran internal
situation. Mr. Totten is one of the few western reporters that
understands the Middle East culture, and we would all do well to
pay attention to his reporting, even if we do disagree with an
occasional editorialization on his part.
One fact in the "anti" column is the election of Ahmedinejad. If the mullahs are that unpopular, how does someone like him get elected? Fraud?
Ahmadinejad's election is actually a bit of a complicated
matter.
First, reformers in the mold of Khatami were largely excluded in
2005, or else marginalized, making it hard for them to get
votes.
Second, Ahmadinejad ran against a "good old boy" and he ran on a
platform of redistribution. Yes, he has his own ties to elements of
the ruling elite, but he ran against an establishment politician
and he promised to redistribute oil wealth that the ruling elite
controls. So it's arguable that voter frustration with the ruling
elite was a factor in his election, and it wasn't entirely about
hawkishness and religious fundamentalism.
Of course, in office Ahmadinejad has devoted himself to hawkishness
and religion, but the point is that his actions after the election
do not necessarily reflect the sentiments of the electorate in
summer of 2005.
I wish Bush would leave Iran alone and let the Iranian people take care of the Mullahs.
Let's put it this way: Suppose that theocrats controlled most of
America's natural resources, and the American people voted for a
crazy guy who promised to redistribute some of the money that the
theocrats were taking. Would anybody interpret that election as a
sign of a pro-theocrat public?
If the crazy guy behaved differently once in office, would that
change the fact that the public was in an anti-theocrat mood at the
time of the election?
"Mr. Totten is one of the few western reporters that understands
the Middle East culture, and we would all do well to pay attention
to his reporting,. . ."
First -- there is no "THE Middle Eastern culture".
And no, he's naive for the most part but here he is trying to catch
on a little better, and the whole tone is: it might be right to
invade on one hand or maybe not on the other hand -- like a Cathy
Young article.
It's suggesting but not advocating. TO his credit, he does get
somewhat more informed than the average warblogger-type.
But I love this: "Iraq's tribal and medieval culture, the
brutality, the lawlessness, revenge-Iraq was very primitive and
still is, apart from Kurdistan."
Kurdistan is a contender in the region for championship title in
the area of "honor killings" of females.
http://www.stophonourkillings.com/index.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1980
Totten's a simpleton but far better than the worst.
thoreau - thanks, I'd heard about, but forgotten, the economic populism policy planks.
Thanks matthew. I was laughing so hard I couldn't see through the tears to reply. I still remember his amazement that they had supermarkets over there, "with Red Bull!"
"Of course, in office Ahmadinejad has devoted himself to
hawkishness and religion, but the point is that his actions after
the election do not necessarily reflect the sentiments of the
electorate in summer of 2005."
You mean politicians would make promises they have no intention of
keeping, just to get elected? Say it ain't so.
To bad these guys don't live in America, where that never
happens.
Iraq was a ripe target for regime change because IT was so
very advanced, compared to its neighbors.
It worked. In Kurdistan. Of course, if Nixon had just made them the
51st state as they offered, all these problems could have been
avoided. We would have just had a different set instead.
Totten always strikes me as a honest, but credulous writer who conjures wonderful stories about the Middle East. Despite his wide travels throughout the area and associations with so many people of the region, I can never quite shake the feeling that he's somehow managed to misread his surroundings in some small, yet crucial way.
robc,
We didn't change the regime in Kurdistan.
They developed their own democracy, all by themselves, during the
1990s. Without Uncle Sam having to take over their country and show
them how to behave at all.
Exactly, wsdave. We can't assume that Ahmadinejad's actions in office reflect the attitudes of the people who voted for him (or against Rafsanjani) in 2005.
"""I wish Bush would leave Iran alone and let the Iranian people
take care of the Mullahs."""
And miss an opprotunity to give President Hillary Clinton more
problems to deal with? Not a chance.
First -- there is no "THE Middle Eastern culture".
Of course there isn't. Likewise, there isn't any Western European
culture either. But we use those glommings as a shorthand. I will
try to avoid it in the future, though.
To his credit, he does get somewhat more informed than the average warblogger-type.
Which is largely what I meant. I know next to nothing about the
cultures in Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Saudi
Arabia, Dubai, Pakistan, etc, etc. (and all their myriad
subcultures, factions, and yes, even individuals), but compared to
the average reporter "embedded" in a greenzone hotel, he's a
fricken genius.
If you read the average non-Totten article, you would think that
the Middle East (as a region, not a culture) consists of only
Shiites and Sunnis. Heck, many reporters don't even realize that
Iran isn't an Arab nation.
I don't care whether Iranians choose to let mullahs or rodeo clowns govern them, and I'm certainly not about to countenance an invasion in order to make the choice for them. This article, whatever its faults, makes it pretty clear (and not the first I've seen), that the mullahocracy is basically just another kleptocracy but with goofy hats and ugly robes.
If you read the average non-Totten article, you would think
that the Middle East (as a region, not a culture) consists of only
Shiites and Sunnis.
And even that is an improvement over the average article a few
years ago.
If you read the average non-Totten article, you would think
that the Middle East (as a region, not a culture) consists of only
Shiites and Sunnis. Heck, many reporters don't even realize that
Iran isn't an Arab nation.
Totten isn't immune to similar charges. In fact, he comes off as
incredibly naive. He appears to assume that the will of a few
ex-patriots is a fair representation of the will of "Iranians" in
general. At the very least, his article takes statements by Komala
exiles about "the people of Iran" at face value, e.g., the Komala
official's statement that "[t]he people of Iran are thinking
politically. The people have had many bad experiences since the
1979 revolution. They want the American people to topple the
regime..." In response to this invasion, which would presumably put
Komala into power (convenient, no?), Totten muses that "[h]e did
not only mean that the Kurds of Iran want a war, as the Kurds of
Iraq wanted a war. He also meant most Persians want an invasion."
Oh? And I happen to know that "the American people," not just the
small group loyal to me, want a revolution that puts me,
personally, in power. This is all particularly odd in light
Totten's repeated reminders that the Iranian people are not a
monolithic, homogenous group. Why doesn't bother connecting the
painfully obvious dots here?
Anyway, I didn't particularly like the original Iraqi flavor of
Chalabi, and I'm not convinced that Totten has discovered anything
more than Chalabi 2.0.
I can never quite shake the feeling that he's somehow
managed to misread his surroundings in some small, yet crucial
way.
Well, he mostly just visits these places, doesn't live there. As
far as I know, he's only spent significant time in Lebanon. Also he
neither speaks nor reads any of the local languages so by necessity
Totten either learns via a translator, or (a common trap for
Westerners)he makes friends with English-speaking Westernized
locals. Totten thus tends to assume that the views of these people
are representative of a large portion of the population, when in
reality these Westernized Middle Easterners are often very
marginalized people in the context of their own culture. But for
all that, he really does make an effort, he does have fresh angles
and explores issues other reporters ignore, and his "gosh, gee
whiz" attitude can be a refreshing break from the cynicism so
prevalent in most of the reporting profession.
"We didn't change the regime in Kurdistan.
They developed their own democracy, all by themselves, during the
1990s. Without Uncle Sam having to take over their country and show
them how to behave at all."
Nope, no regime change there - just a Giant Protective Bubble
called "The No Fly Zone".
Kind of a cool experiment in allowing people to determine their own
destiny without coercion.
It's good to know that only 51% of Iranians are presians. In the event of an invasion I can now call a bookie and get money down on another sectarian war.
Wow. This is simply one of the most interesting articles
I've ever read at Reason.com.
Ditto... I'm not much for sending Internet articles to people, but
I forwarded this to most of my "well-read" friends and colleagues.
A great piece of journalism.
Interesting discussion. Thanks, everyone, for reading.
I would like to respond to a couple of points without intruding too
much here.
Happy Jack: I still remember his amazement that they had
supermarkets over there, "with Red Bull."
You do not "remember" my amazement at this, you are hallucinating
it. I've spent way too much time in third world countries, and in
the Middle East in particular, to be amazed at a supermarket.
Chris S.: his article takes statements by Komala exiles about
"the people of Iran" at face value
Some of his statements, yes, if they credibly line up with what
else I have heard and read. Others, no. From the article: "Mohtadi
could be wrong. Maybe he's talking about a minority that looks to
him like a majority. Perhaps his analysis is slightly deceitful, a
little self-serving. These things happen. We know how inaccurate
Ahmed Chalabi's rosy predictions about post-Saddam Iraq turned out
to be."
I wish Bush would leave Iran alone and let the Iranian
people take care of the Mullahs
What exactly is Bush doing to prevent the Iranian people from doing
just that?
You do not "remember" my amazement at this, you are
hallucinating it. I've spent way too much time in third world
countries, and in the Middle East in particular, to be amazed at a
supermarket.
Hallucination
What I think they don't understand is that what's normal in the
Middle East somehow amazes (and comforts) people who have never
been here.
Happy Jack,
I see where the misunderstanding is, and it's at least as much my
fault as yours. Other people, not me, found grocery stores in
Dokuk, Iraq, amazing, and I knew that before I went there.
Michael
Yon, for example, when he visited Dokuk after spending months
covering the Battle of Mosul.
"Once in Dohuk, American soldiers removed helmets and body armor,
and carried only their weapons. The commander set them free, with
orders to return later that day. I walked with some soldiers to a
department store where we passed by the kiddie rides outside. The
storefront may well have been in Colorado Springs, or Munich. There
were big push-carts for the adults, and little carts for the
children.
Inside the store was a grocery section, where the people smiled,
fresh canteloupes smelled sweet, the apples were red and green and
yellow. There were oranges, bananas, and more. Nearly half
a year had passed since I had seen such things."
I had that in mind when I took a picture of the grocery store. I
lived in Beirut at the time, where grocery stores are mundane and
uninteresting.
If I casually mention Starbucks in Beirut, for example, almost
everyone I know is amazed that they have Starbucks. I'm not, I see
such things in the Middle East all the time, but lots of Americans
picture a vast Afghanistan-like region. I do what I can to show the
normal stuff and break down that stereotype because it annoys
me.
Also, Jack, that sentence you quoted: What I think they
don't understand is that what's normal in the Middle East somehow
amazes (and comforts) people who have never been
here.
I lived in the Middle East when I wrote that and obviously did not
(and do not) fall into the category of people who had never been
there.
I think Happy J has made his point, but he left out this:
"So I took pictures of the grocery store. It's not all burkhas,
camels, and caves out here."
Good Lord.
Thanks for sharing.
Actually I am being too harsh as I did something similar by
sending a Hard Rock Cafe postcard from Dubai and elicited that type
of reaction from recipients. Deliberately.
But I suppose it shows the state of mind of the readership back
here that things like that need to be said or done.
Still, praising Kurds as less traditional and tribal may be a bit
premature . . .
Matthew, you were at the Hard Rock in Dubai, too?
Terrible food, but I got to see an autographed single of Faith No
More's "Epic" signed by Patton.
And a guitar from the same band.
I've had similar experiences in eliciting such reactions,
intentionally or not. Have you ever seen the malls in the UAE in
November/December?
Talk about a cognitive dissonance check.
I'm amused by the commenters dismissing Totten as "naive" when it's more likely than not that they've never traveled to those regions. How many of you have been to Iraq or Lebanon? Met with Peshmerga or anti-mullah communists? Somehow, reading a few articles in the Economist or the Nation makes you a better expert than Totten.
"Naive" and "war-blogger" are not accurate descriptors for
Michael Totten or his writings. I see no evidence of a stated
agenda either, perhaps those comments more accurately represent his
readers innate bias.
After reading this article I am left with the realisation that
there seems to be no shortage of ill-advised alliances for the
United States to make.
Clearly the current lunatic in charge cannot be allowed to develop
an atomic weapon, but how to proceed is more complex than most of
us realise.
I'm amused by the commenters dismissing Totten as "naive"
when it's more likely than not that they've never traveled to those
regions.
Traveled and even lived there and known intimately people from
there for decades. Met people of all stripes. And do read the
Economist. Mostly jeer at the Nation but it's tragic that even they
can make more sense (or less nonsense) these days on foreign
affairs than many of the people I supported for office and are in
it.
Also, at some points, if you apply the principle that human nature
is universal, some things should set off innate skepticism,
including wide-eyed responses to "the exotic."
What a wonderful article! My only regret is that the author did not say anything about the effects of Tehran becoming a nuclear power on the ability of the current regime to survive or prosper.
Site comments/questions:
Media Inquiries and Reprint Permissions:
(310) 367-6109
Editorial & Production Offices:
3415 S. Sepulveda Blvd.
Suite 400
Los Angeles, CA 90034
(310) 391-2245