Nick Gillespie | October 12, 2005
Over the past two weeks, I've written or co-written a couple of things about how George W. Bush outspent Lyndon Baines Johnson in his first four budgets. To recap: When it comes to inflation-adjusted increases in discretionary spending (comprising most defense and nonentitlement spending), Dubya beats LBJ like Sam Houston beat Santa Anna at the Battle of San Jacinto.
The gap becomes even bigger when you stretch the comparisons out to the first five years of each prez's budgets. Here are numbers for all recent presidents who oversaw at least five budgets prepared by American Enterprise Institute analyst Veronique de Rugy. All are based on Office of Management and Budget and all are adjusted for inflation. The Bush figure for fiscal year 2005 is based on OMB midsession review numbers; the figure for fiscal year 2006 is based on the OMB midsession review of the budget Bush submitted earlier this year (if anything, the final figures will be higher than his provisional budget):
First Five Years, Percentage Changes in Real Discretionary Spending
LBJ: 25.2%
Nixon: -16.5%
Reagan: 11.9%
Clinton: -8.2%
Bush: 35.2%
Read 'em and weep.
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Any further breakdown of the data showing just the non-defense component of discretionary spending?
Since nobody's favorite program ever loses money without an at least equal increase in spending to somewhere else (Conservation of Current Spending, Dr. T?), I hereby declare the term "Discretionary Spending" obsolete.
Yeah, but you know what I meant.
That we would not want to cast too much of a jaundiced eye on
wasteful spending by the military industrial complex because many
of us get our jobs from there and they keep us safe from foreign
threats, like Iraq?
Dave W-
No, I meant the word "discretionary" as in "non-entitlement", since
the appropriations bills for Social Security and Medicare are
handled somewhat differently.
And the main reason for excluding defense spending is that people
can always cite recent events as alleged justification for waste on
that front. But my understanding is that the spending glut includes
a lot of the domestic programs that the right ostensibly
opposes.
And the main reason for excluding defense spending is that
people can always cite recent events as alleged justification for
waste on that front.
Would you do this, T.?
Dave W-
No, but I want to head off the inevitable "Don't you know we're at
war?" argument by just looking at the domestic side.
No, but I want to head off the inevitable "Don't you know
we're at war?" argument by just looking at the domestic
side.
That's a pretty big rend in the Randian rubric.
That's a pretty big rend in the Randian rubric.
Huh?
Look, when you criticize the amount of spending, an easy out for
the other side is "Don't you know we're at war?" So make them
squirm by only looking at non-defense stuff. And then they say
something about how Social Security and Medicare aren't
discretionary (Congress could, in principle, do something about it,
but they have a different procedure to avoid fireworks over those
appropriations), so you remind them of all the other stuff.
And then they still squirm, and you know you've got them.
I happen to think there is value in the defence / non defence
spending separation. I just don't think that Discretionary and
Nondiscretionary describe anything approaching reality
anymore.
If you need Iowa to keep your job, Corn Welfare is non
discretionary.
Thanks for the answers, T. I know I was taking a bit of a poke,
but I am tired of Democrats who would slash military, but not
social waste and Republicans who would slash social, but not
military waste. I have observed the games between these two
factions for long enough and have decided that it is a dynamic that
increases statism, despite the fact that everybody is willing to
trim waste from projects they don't really support in the first
place. To me, that's mush-mouthed and it ain't helping.
I think the discretionary versus non-discretionary distinction is a
distraction here. Unless you want to roll back gov't across the
board, you are part of the problem, rather than part of the
solution. If you think the Iraq War was "non-discretionary" in any
sense of that word, then again: part of the problem, not the
solution.
Jason-
I'm not disagreeing. I'm using the terms "discretionary" and
"non-discretionary" as jargon, not descriptions.
and if you think that military expenditures less needed than the Iraq War are also non-discretionary, then you are not just part of the problem -- you are a fat, fertile welfare queen.
And the main reason for excluding defense spending is that
people can always cite recent events as alleged justification for
waste on that front.
I understand this. I use the same tactic sometimes when arguing
about the war... When I talk about the cost of the war in terms of
civilian casualties, I often get the, "Don't you know how many
civilians Hussein would have killed?" in response. There's no such
argument when I talk about the cost in American killed and wounded,
so that's what I tend to talk about.
Likewise, I understand thoreau's logic here... but I might add
that--even towing the LP line--national defense is a perfectly
legitimate function of government and good libertarians of
integrity can disagree about how much we should spend on
it. ...Take out defense spending, and there's not a whole lot left
to argue about, is there?
Look here for a breakdown
http://www.cato.org/pubs/tbb/tbb-0510-26.pdf
hopefully this shows up
Table 1. Real Annualized Growth Rates, by Category and
President
Total Defense Domestic Entitlement
Johnson 5.7% 4.9% 3.9% 8.9%
Nixon 3.0% -6.6% 5.5% 12.5%
Ford 2.9% -2.8% 6.3% 2.4%
Carter 4.1% 3.0% 1.8% 4.1%
Reagan 2.6% 4.4% -1.2% 2.0%
G.H.W. Bush 1.9% -3.8% 3.3% 4.8%
Clinton 1.5% -1.7% 1.8% 3.3%
G.W. Bush* 5.6% 8.8% 7.1% 4.7%
actually thoreau's "divided government" works
dave w:
what gives you the impression that thoreau is one of those
cut-one-but-not-the-other democrats? being a poke at him didn't
seem to advance all of our supposed agreement on budget
busting.
I'm surprised someone of the Federalism Or Death variety
hasn't come along and threatened to revoke the libertarian
credentials of anyone who didn't agree that this is a just and
proper use of state's rights, and oh by the way if you don't like
it you can always move.
Was not really a poke at Thoreau, but there are certainly
libertarians around here that give away the whole game when defense
is mentioned.
At first blush, it would seem like these half libertarians are
helpful in the sense that half a loaf is better than none at all.
However, I have been watching for a couple decades and I know
better how it works now. When push comes to shove, the guns not
butter people would rather fund the butter than give up their guns.
we always end up with more guns and more butter, and people who
should know better stay comfortable in their delusion that they can
be scared shitless of Saddam (or Osama) and still be libertarians.
Its time to change this dynamic. Joe helps.
The italicized quote was the wrong one, from another thread, hopefully it is clear what I was responding to on this thread by my response.
Ack - it's an older chart. 2004 and 2005 were estimates. Forgot to mention that.
Depends upon how neccessary the Iraq War was relative to the Viet Nam War. If you are one of those people who still thinks Viet Nam was critical to US national security, then LBJ's number is way better.
Dave W - Fig. 5 is non-defense discretionary spending. I think thoreau wanted to separate defense from non- defense. Wars have a tendency to skew the numbers.
1. I stand corrected on Fig. 5.
2. Still, I am pretty sure the aim is to be kinder to defense
spending waste than social spending waste. I maintain that that
exact attitude (which Thoreau may or may not share) hurts the cause
of small gov't more than it helps.
Figure 5 is not labelled "non-defense discretionary spending," just "non-defense spending."
Anon - the numbers track with the discretionary column in Table
8.2 in the OMB's historical tables. The tables have a separate
column for mandatory spending.
I noticed that the header says outlays, so those numbers
might exclude what has actually been authorized but not
spent yet (ie, Iraq reconstruction, which would fall under
international). I'm not sure if they take into account supplemental
spending either. I'd have to wade through the notes.
Yeah, I realized later that the numbers were non-defense
spending, not the non-defense "discretionary" spending. (In keeping
with customary usage I'm using "discretionary" as jargon for
"neither Social Security nor Medicare". I realize that
"discretionary" is neither strictly accurate nor useful for
distinguishing it from other budget items.)
Still, I remember reading a few years ago that non-defense
"discretionary" spending has also sky-rocketed under Bush, and that
in general it goes up more under united government and less under
divided government.
I just realized that there should be a caveat on any conclusions
drawn from examining united and divided governments: From FDR
through 1994, the Dems almost always controlled at least the House,
and usually the Senate as well. For most of the past 70 years
"united government" has almost always meant rule by Democrats, and
"divided government" has almost always meant a Republican in the
White House.
Now, to be fair, the past 11 years seem to support the hypothesis
that divided government means less spending than unified
government. The GOP Congress certainly hasn't shown much interested
in constraining spending under Bush, whereas under Clinton the GOP
Congress was much more confrontational. (I know that a couple of
our posters will say that even in the first two years of Clinton's
term the situation was better than it is today. Even if that's
true, my concern for the moment is drawing inferences from a large
data set, so I'm discussing trends that last longer than 2
years.)
Still, in the interest of scrupulousness, I must acknowledge that
the data set since FDR is more skewed toward a particular
configuration of divided government.
That provides some insight, but i'd also like to see the
original table that of dollar figures, adjusted for 2005 dollars.
You could also go further and show how much money each taxpayer
could have saved under each president.
If a government is powerful enough to issue paper currency by fiat,
there's no reason they wouldn't borrow by fiat (who's going to call
in the debt?).
What would you do if you had a credit card with no limit, and
instead of you being responsible for paying the balance, someone
you didn't know would have to pay it off 200 years later (long
after you're gone?). Initially, you'd use it for a serious
emergency (WWII). Then you start looking for problems
(peacekeeping) to use it on, because you feel it sure would make
life better at home. Soon you start inventing emergencies out of
thin air (Iraq), or to pay off ever-increasing promises you made to
your friends (tax cuts, rebates). In the end you have a nice house,
lots of shiny toys, and no credibility, especially to the guy
responsible for the bill.
So what happens to that guy 200 years into the future? That person
can barely make ends meet because the debt collector takes so much
money. Eventually that person gives up. They relinquish their
rights as a citizen to have a more comfortable life. This means
working for food and shelter on a wealthy person's property, also
called feudalism (sort of like rent but more dark).
At least they'll have bicycles this time.
I just realized that there should be a caveat on any
conclusions drawn from examining united and divided governments:
From FDR through 1994, the Dems almost always controlled at least
the House, and usually the Senate as well. For most of the past 70
years "united government" has almost always meant rule by
Democrats, and "divided government" has almost always meant a
Republican in the White House.
My criticism of this analysis is that it focuses too much on each
administration is that it focuses to much on the ups and downs of
individual administrations and/or congresses. I would argue that
the meaningful cycles run at a lower frequency than the partisan
ups and downs, but the basic game is that each side raids the tax
fund for its pet causes when it is in power. In between there may
or may not be times of gridlock, where spending stays rather
constant, before the pendulum swings and one or the other party
gains control and ratchets up spending in his selected areas (with
Bush, the areas are clearly military and seniors).
When I come to this board and see people going out of their way not
to forbear from damning gigantic globs of "defense" (much of it is
really offense) waste, and even posters who buy into this defense
spending as non-wasteful, I can see how you half libertarians get
played in the long run. Your fear of the Russkies or Osama or
Saddam or Kim sends you running for "food stamps," in the form of
armamnts, to feed your ravenous fear. This robs you of all your
cred when you go criticize social spending.
The Iraq War ought to make things clear. Your fears were unfounded.
Your mistake cost us a lot of money and a lot of extra gov't. Time
to stop coddling these people, and if its you, then its time to
stop coddling yourself. In other words, give it up, T.
Dave W-
I think I have a pretty dovish track record on this forum. I
generally don't buy into the defense build-ups.
My only reason for focusing on the non-defense
stuff is to debunk the people who grudgingly say "Yeah, well, at
least our side isn't as bad on the domestic spending!" A look at
the last several years shows that their side is in fact as bad, if
not worse. That's all. Just refuting a common argument. Nothing
more, nothing less, and certainly nothing apologetic intended.
Its not enough to be "dovish." Hawks have no place in a libertarian discussion. They are anti-libertarian. No appeals to their reason need be made. They have bigger problems they need to work on before they are fit for a libertarian discussion.
The raw spending increase is, really, not an interesting
statistic, unless you are a liberal speaking to another
liberal.
The real question is what the change of spending as a percentage of
GDP?
Also, what's the numbers for defense versus non-defense?
(How much of the Clinton-era decrease was defense spending, which
we have to make up for?)
I don't know this information, but it would tell more of the
tale.
There might be a higher or alien intelligence somwhere in
the universe. Science doesn't know, can't know and probably won't
know in your lifetime whether this is true or false, or even what
the odds are. Likewise, there might be a creature(s) here on Earth
created by a god or an alien. Science doesn't know, can't know and
probably won't know in your lifetime whether this is true or false,
or even what the odds are.
Statist troll go away.
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