Nick Gillespie | July 1, 2005
Yesterday, the Senate passed the Central American Free Trade Agreement, which lowers trade barriers between the U.S. and six basically puny Central American nations, by a 54-45 margin (go here for a roll-call vote). No need, for now, to get into an argument whether CAFTA represents truly free trade (it doesn't), but it does represent freer trade, which is a good thing for everyone involved (read this for why; and this too).
In order to get that vote, reports the Washington Times, President Bush had to make a number of last-minute concessions, including once again sucking up to Big Sugar and promising to protect American producers of nature's sweetener that trade with the likes of the Dominican Republic will never, ever eat into their profits.
The House Way and Means Committee has passed CAFTA 25-16, but it's still not quite clear whether the bill will pass the full House when it comes up for a vote, probably some time after July 11.
CAFTA is mostly symbolic--not just of free trade per se, but of whether Bush can get anything done in a second term. Here's hoping he can, at least in this instance--and not just for the poor of Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. It'll also be good, though in a small way, for U.S. consumers, too. Like NAFTA, it will likely build on trends already in place with small but positive effects.
Sobering thought of the day: The much-bigger and more-important North American Free Trade Agreement passed the Senate 61-38 in 1994.
Question of the day: In the decade since NAFTA's passage, what has happened to make free trade less politically viable? Or, as suggested above, perhaps this has nothing to do with free trade and more to do with domestic politics?
Whole Times story here.
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One thing that I believe has made free trade less politically
viable was the overtures, implied promises etc. made that NAFTA
would make the United States less attractive to 'undocumented'
workers from Mexico, and keep immigration down.
NAFTA didn't live up to its perceived end of the bargain and the
flow of workers over the border hasn't abated.
Post-WW II, American support for free trade was partially (possibly mostly) driven by the fear of Soviet influence. NAFTA was arguably the final flowering of that impulse, as most of the groundwork for the agreement was completed during, or immediately after, the Cold War.
Perhaps last fall's multi-billion dollar advertising campaigns aimed at terrorizing people about "offshoring" have led to a more protectionist mindset in general. Just a guess.
It's just too bad that CAFTA (like NAFTA) is unconstitutional
(as violative of the plain requirement that treaties be ratified by
a by two-thirds Senate majority). U.S. Const., Art. II, Sect.
2. Last I checked, a 54-45 vote falls short of that. (And
NAFTA wasn't ratified either.)
Why are we willing to let the Constitution fall away when it serves
our political ends?
Question of the day: In the decade since NAFTA's passage,
what has happened to make free trade less politically viable? Or,
as suggested above, perhaps this has nothing to do with free trade
and more to do with domestic politics?
I have two more questions:
1. Do the opponents of free trade realize they sound to economists
like the opponents of climate change sound to climate scientists?
And, more importantly, why doesn't the media treat free trade
skeptics the same way they treat climate change skeptics?
2. Given that there seems to be some liberal traction in opposition
to the Kelo decision and its implications, can we somehow get
liberals to recognize protectionism as cut from the same cloth?
After all, both redevelopment and protectionism are exercised by
the state to promote limited and powerful private interests at the
less well-connected person's expense.
Norberg and Bhagwati say so? Well *I'm* convinced!
CAFTA produces *less* free trade in some areas, like intellectual
property [sic].
1) Offshoring has led to a fall in support for free trade among
white collar workers, who had previously assumed that the only
temporary pain for free trade would fall on manufacturing and
agriculture.
2) Republicans tend to be more likely to vote for free trade
regardless of the President; most Democrats need a Democratic
President twisting arms to do so.
3) NAFTA didn't affect sugar; about 5-10 of the votes against CAFTA
are pure sugar state votes, whether cane (LA), maple (ME), or beets
(WY, SD, MT, etc.)
MikeP,
Many of the "opponents of free trade" aren't actually opponents of
free trade. They're opponents of "Free Trade."
What is Free Trade? Is it actually trade as historically
understood. Historically, trade was based on trading products. Free
Trade today is based on moving production, farming, factories and
outsourcing jobs outside the USA. The main commodities are actually
the workers who are put on a world trading block to compete down to
the lowest levels of destitute workers, wage slave and even child
labor.
Henry Ford realized that workers have to be able to buy the things
they make. Then, WW2 was won through the awesome industrial might
of the USA. The Marshall Plan which restored local value added
economies in Europe and Asia after WW2 was also based on this U.S.
industrial power.
Then in 1956 the U.S. Government start funding the moving of
factories outside the USA. It was supposed to be only a temporary
program to help the Mexican economy out while bringing in cheaper
consumer products to the USA. The process continued for years.
NAFTA just confirmed and speeded up the process. So there is a long
history of so called Free Trade and it is not a good one. Right
after getting NAFTA passed, President Clinton had to rush billions
of dollars to Mexico to keep the economy afloat.
Now Free Trade has shoppers shopping their way out of their jobs. A
working poor class has been created in the USA and soon they will
not even be able to afford to buy the cheaper imports while the
destitute workers abroad can not afford to buy the very things they
make let alone have any money left over to buy whatever the USA has
left to sell.
We need to study the past and abstract the best econmic models
possible and we have plenty of examples from WW2 to the
1980s.
Worst yet, the moving of production has become portable too ready
to be moved from place to place based on the cheapest deals
possible without any constraints. When the factories are moved,
burn out societies are left behind.
And it is ridiculous to have taxpayers pay for research and
development if the production phase goes outside the USA. This
leads to taxpayers paying their way out of their jobs while they
also are shopping their way out of their jobs.
We need to stop this insanity and bring back real jobs and then as
we did with the Marshall Plan help others to duplicate our efforts
and not have workers being the commodities.
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