Julian Sanchez | June 9, 2005
Janice Rogers Brown, who appears to be the most libertarian of Bush's controversial nominees, has been confirmed to the D.C. Court of Appeals. Clint Bolick of the Institute for justice profiled JRB for Reason in 2003. Check her out railing against the "collectivist impulse" and name-checking Hayek and Richard Epstein. People for the American Way have compiled a list of JRB quotes that are supposed to show how awful and extreme and nuts she is. They tend to make me think she sorta kicks ass.
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Ms Rogers Brown has argued that it is right to apply a "higher law" than the constitution. Such a blatant attack on the church-state divide worries even some conservatives. (May 19, 2005 The Economist)
If this is accurate, I don't care how
"libertarian" she is.
Perhaps she was speaking of Natural Law and Natural Rights (not enumerated in the BoR)because, as we all know, the Constitution is far from perfect.
raymond, from what I've read, Ms. Brown is perfectly happy to
apply whatever school of legal reasonsing - strict constructionism,
natural law, antinomian disregard for precendent, whatever - and
subscribe to whicher set of facts, that will be most convenient in
striking down laws she doesn't like. The laws she doesn't like
being those that protect employees, consumers, and the
environment.
So, yeah, she's pretty libertarian.
Perhaps she was speaking of Natural Law and Natural
Rights...
Perhaps. The last quote given in the pfaw list includes this:
Only natural law offers an alternative to might makes right and accounts for man's "unrelenting quest to rise above the 'letter of the law' to the realm of the spirit."
(I haven't found the whole text of the speech. Yet.)
While I agree that "natural law" trumps the Constitution, the
Constitution is not about morality. It's about the workings of the
federal government and its relationship to the states and to the
people.
When a judge - speaking as a judge - starts interpreting morality,
I get very scared.
"strict constructionism, natural law, antinomian disregard for
precendent, whatever - and subscribe to whicher set of facts, that
will be most convenient in striking down laws she doesn't
like."
Sounds like every judge. The whole constructionist vs. activist
argument is BS. You choose the judge who likes policies you
like.
The 'moderate' approach means you choose a judge who accepts the
status quo interpretation of law as near ideal. This is why the
argument against Brown was that she is 'out of the mainstream'. It
seems to me that misses the point of being a judge, but maybe
that's just me.
Eh- maybe she talks a good game most of the time, there are many on the right who do. Unfortunately, they all seem to only follow through when its convenient for them. I distinctly remember GW stating during the campaign of 2000 that we must have a national dialog on property rights. I guess that became an incovenient discussion for him to initiate when he decided it was necessary to poop on the fourth amendment.
joe:
Seriously. You post here a lot. It's good to have people of
different points of view. But snarky comments attacking the basic
political philosophy of this exchange just makes you look like a
troll. One wonders why you even bother.
On the subject:
Yeah, pretty much everything I've read on Brown has been baffling.
The pieces (usually leftist crap from the AP or the Washington
Post) spend a tremendous amount of ink wetting their panties about
how much of an "extremist" Brown is. And then they cap off the
pieces with her quotes, usually along the lines of "unchecked
government is tyranny". To me, the actual words she speaks make the
articles look ridiculous.
Is libertarianism such a hard pill for the sheeple to swallow?
The higher law comment is ambiguous and a bit unnerving, but her quotes at PFAW make her sound like a libertarian dream.
Remember in recent weeks when there was a thread devoted to
discussing whether it was OK to make nicey-nice with the extreme
religious right wing of the Republican party in order to get the
libertarian economic stuff? Bend over, because you're about to find
out.
To be more clear: If you are a secularist thinker, and believe
strongly in a government which governs from secular motives derived
from the exercise of reason, rather than from a presumed duty to
please a deity and live according to its rules, Janice Rogers Brown
is. Not. Your. Friend. Let's see how libertarian she is the first
time a case questioning the authority of the FCC, the FDA or the
DEA to engage in some kind of moral nanny-stating comes up.
I'll believe that she is libertarian when I see it put into
action.
Is there any kind of libertarian rating system for appellate
judges?
I'm sorry, Nice Guy, is it unfair to tag libertarians as opposing laws that protect employees, consumers, and the environment?
I was thinking she was pretty cool till I read that last quote.
Anyone who brings up Natural Law has some arbitrary standard that
they are using it to justify - case in point: "Only natural law
offers an alternative to might makes right and accounts for man�s
�unrelenting quest to rise above the �letter of the law� to the
realm of the spirit.�"
Replace "Natural Law" with "Bible", and I'd be less freaked out. At
least with the Bible, I know what's written down (depending on what
the version is). With Natural Law, I'm wondering where she's drawn
that arbitrary line.
Yes, joe, it is. It is true that libertarians may oppose particular laws related to those issues, on grounds such as federalism and private property rights, but it is unfair to paint a broad brush and imply that any law related to those topics is something that would be opposed by libertarians. Contract enforcement laws "protect employees", anti-fraud laws "protect consumers" and local environmental regulations "protect the environment".
Natural Law is the ONLY law. Anything else is an attempt to
control. Natural Law isn't about morality per se either. When theft
and force are written into law, that doesn't make them legitimate
in a Natural Law view.
While Natural Law can't always be enforced, having a system of
justice that can sometime resemble justice (retribution for actual
harm) really helps.
Lysander Spooner had some pretty clear ideas of Natural Law.
yes - libertarians oppose laws that unfairly discriminate against employers and constrain consumers' options...as far as the environment, there's plenty of green libertarians in the world..but of course, run-of-the-mill liberals just "care" oh so much more i suppose.
joe:
Correct me if I'm wrong, but what I gathered from your original
post is that you lable libertarianism as erratic, inconsistent,
hypocritical, and logically indefensible. You express not
respectful opposition but just plain contempt.
At the risk of taking over Joe's role as Troll-in-Chief on this
board, I have to say I'm amazed to find so-called libertarians
still shilling for rightwing Republicans. Libertarians have been
betrayed by this administration, and every libertarian on this
board knows it in his heart. Libertarian principles have been
gutted. This administration loves - loves - huge government, huge
spending, and huge debt. It loves dictating the personal choices
people want to make for themselves. It loves big business and hands
passes out favors faster than Tera Patrick at a biker bar. It likes
steel tariffs and textiles quotas. It likes adventurist foreign
policy. It hates objective science.
Why do so-called libertarians continue to shill for the Republican
party? The only thing I can think of is that the same groups that
fund conservative big-government Republicans are the ones who fund
Reason and other so-called libertarian institutes (you know who I'm
talking about...but if you don't, it's Koch). They're the fig leafs
of respecibility that cover up the gnarled genitalia of money
politics.
Remove the scales from your eyes. If you still believe the GOP
gives a flying fook about libertarian policies and principles,
you're nothing but a sucker. JRB will carry water for the
pro-business (not pro-market) big-government GOP. How much more
proof do you need? How many more adventurist wars? How many more
trillions of dollars of debt? How many more big-business subsidies,
tariffs, and quotas? How many more entitlement programs? How many
more years of double-digit increases in federal discretionary
spending? How many more attacks on federalism?
Suckers.
Flame at will. ;)
Slippery Pete:
No flames, dude. It's good to have some fire and brimstone.
I guess it's something like the Green Party. The Democrats
basically own them, along with the so-called "Anarchists".
I think many libertarians have to constantly check themselves from
falling into the Republican mindset. Up-front musings on the Drug
War and the "christian" right helps a lot.
Hey Slippery,
How is voicing conditional support for a particular individual
shilling for the GOP? JRB appears to have a record that is
consistent with libertarian principles. Did you see that word?
RECORD. It means a history of documented performance. The GOP in
general is a bunch of power hungry jackasses. Individuals within
the GOP, such as Sununu, can be given much more respect. Don't get
so caught up in stereotyping that you forget the core libertarian
principle, respect for the INDIVIDUAL.
I think you mightbe on to something, Slippery Pete. I don't think that we can reasonably expect either Democrat or Republican to adopt policies, appoint judges, enact laws, etc that match our philosophy. They each might occasionally pay lip service to reducing government power and scope, but only when it reduces the power of the opposition.
slippery pete -
I consider myself libertarian. And I don't recognise myself in your
tirade against "us" at all.
Have you ever read Reason? Have you followed discussions
on this board? It wouldn't seem so.
Libertarians have been betrayed by this administration, and
every libertarian on this board knows it in his heart.
And most of us have said it out loud. Repeatedly, and very out
loud. (Well, strictly speaking, this libertarian has never felt
"betrayed". This libertarian never expected anything from Bush et
al. but an on-going assault on fundamental human
rights.)
Well, I certainly worked myself up into a righteous froth that
time. ;)
I actually do understand that in the real world of democratic
politics, negotiation is inevitable, and principle must be
sacrificied - sometimes a little, sometimes a lot. But it perplexes
me that many libertarians still align with the GOP, despite their
frequent carping about it.
So I have complete respect for a party (or philosophy) that makes
concessions to political reality. That's a sign of maturity. But
today's GOP has become pretty much the polar opposite of everything
most libertarians believe in.
Disclosure: I am not a libertarian. The reason is that there is no
constituency for libertarian policies. Very few people actually,
truly want libertarian government. Many people proclaim their
principled stand against government interference and favoritism and
money politics, but when in office, their actions do not follow and
their constituents still want their free pills and mortgage
deductions.
The danger is that libertarian organizations (like Reason) lend a
frisson of principled respectibility that the ruling party does not
deserve. All it does is make it easier for Republicans to shovel
money and favors to big business. This, again, is not a pro-market
outcome. It is anti-market, because it is pro-business.
In other words, with this GOP, when libertarians convince their
fellow Republicans to forego government benefits, the result is not
smaller government. The result is that big business is free to loot
the store. THEY get the goodies. The result, therefore, is even
bigger government. And, of course, this is precisely what has
happened.
In therapy-speak, libertarians are enablers of corporatism and
pro-business-ism. That is why Koch and other corporations aligned
with the GOP fund them. And it's working. Some day, libertarians
will begin to realize that they've been manipulated and lied to and
that they never had a chance of enacting anything like their
agenda. They were never taken seriously, even by their benefactors.
Don't be pawns.
My 2 cents.
Pint,
I've had more unproductive discussions with 'Natural Law' folks
over my tobacco habit than I have had with nanny statists. These
people use 'Natural Law' to justify things they don't particularly
like at any particular level and can invent 'Natural Law' reasoning
to support it almost as well as nanny statists can invent 'studies'
by 'experts' that prove what they want to prove.
I am a print subscriber to Reason, although I rarely get around
to reading it anymore for the reasons I posted above.
I speak of the major libertarian organizations like Reason, Cato,
etc. They are funded by the largest GOP donor corporations and
individuals. The results speak for themselves.
Slippery, you seem to be committing a sort of "all-or-nothing"
fallacy. Liking a Republican does not translate into
liking Republicans. Supporting a Republican policy does
not translate into supporting the Republican platform. Saying "Hey,
this one particular judge might not be so bad" does not translate
into "shilling" for the entire party.
Similarly, all of the more annoying traits of Republicans
and Democrats ought not prevent one from acknowleding when
the blind squirrel finds a nut.
Quoth the joebot
raymond, from what I've read...
Well, dish the links so we can all read it too.
At the risk of taking over Joe's role as Troll-in-Chief on
this board, I have to say I'm amazed to find so-called libertarians
still shilling for rightwing Republicans.
All the stuff about the Bush Administration you say after this
sentence is true. But, I would interject two points.
1) Not every judge appointed by an administration is lockstep in
agreement with the administration appointing them, or with all the
other judges appointed by that administration. Just like with the
elected officials of each party, there is variability in their
views. Some judges will be more liberal than the mean, some more
conservative. And some, more libertarian. That's simply a function
of the number of qualified judges; a President couldn't appoint
hundreds of judges who mirror his views exactly, even if he tried.
From what we can tell so far, JRB seems to be toward the
libertarian end of that spectrum. She's stood up for the Fourth
Amendment and against the "Son of Sam" law, both times putting
individual rights above "tough on crime" conservatism. What's wrong
with praising what she's done so far and hoping she continues it at
the federal level. JRB is not George Bush, and deserves to be
judged on her own merits and failings.
2) On thinking that libertarian embrace of some conservatives and
some conservative ideas is pay-for-play: Many libertarians, myself
included, think the chance of the Libertarian Party calling the
shots one day is zero. Zip. Nada. Therefore, if we are to have any
influence whatsoever, and don't just want to be chin-stroking
political theorists forever divorced from reality, it's in our
interest to praise and work with the two big parties on the narrow
interests that coincide with each party. Is this "shilling" for the
two big parties? I know some libertarians would be perfectly
content to always criticize the other parties and never raise a
finger to actually try to get what we want out of them. In fact,
I'm sure there would be a contingent of libertarians who continued
to criticize and oppose the ruling party even if it was the LP, for
not being ideologically pure enough. Me personally? I approve of
Janice Rogers Brown being on the courts, and I praise the White
House for getting her in. Is she [insert your favorite libertarian
icon here]? Maybe not. But is she about as good as a libertarian
can reasonably expect either of the parties to put on the bench?
Signs point to yes. I want more like her in the future, instead of
that Ten Commandments idiot from Alabama. So on this narrow issue,
I have no problem with letting them know that libertarians (and I
speak for myself) approve.
joe--
So is it your characterization that libertarians share the same
policy goals as Brown, or is it that libertarians grab any theory
they can to back up said prejudices as well? Because your post
reads much like the latter.
If it is the former, I can forgive the usual liberal snark, straw
man, and conflation of being against a law with being against the
goal of a law. But if it is the latter, you really haven't
understood much that you've read around here.
Metalgrid,
I understand where you're coming from there. Perhaps a case of
hijacking (I hope I don't get a file for that) the language. I mean
a very strict, minimal Natural Law: You don't take what isn't yours
and you don't hurt other people outside of self-defense. All this
gets messy pretty easy, but it's a better basis than so-and-so said
I could.
I mostly try to resort to this argument as a channel for the "I'm a
soveriegn individual" argument. Basically, why can anyone tell me
what I can't do without first owning me, which won't happen (of
course respecting others same rights in the process).
And I am in no way advocating or supporting anyone. I brought up
the Natural Law aspect as an alternative to the religious wacko
reference. I really don't know dick about JRB or any other
judge.
It seems from the site like this chick kicks ass.
I remember reading a long time ago a hit piece on Charlton Heston,
when he became the head NRA dude. After reading all the quotes they
had on him from the hit piece, I realized that he truly was a cool
guy.
Slippery Pete, your comments on the political unpopularity of
libertarianism and especially about selective, pro-business
libertarianism are exactly how I feel.
I moved to Canada in large part because the spending up here is
social, rather than military. I'd strongly prefer
no government spending, but you don't get that many choices and my
medical insurance payments were killing me. Still it is very nice
to have Reason around, even if most of its wisdom will never be
applied. I haven't read for very long yet, but already it makes me
feel less lonely and less nuts.
I dunno about you guys, but this quote sounds pretty libertarian
to me:
Where government advances - and it advances relentlessly -
freedom is imperiled; community impoverished; religion marginalized
and civilization itself jeopardized....When did government cease to
be a necessary evil and become a goody bag to solve our private
problems? ["Hyphenasia: the Mercy Killing of the American Dream,"
Speech at Claremont-McKenna College (Sept. 16, 1999) at
3,4]
Forget for a moment the namedropping of Hayek and Epstein. Brown drops so many other names in that article that it boggles the mind. Procol Harum, Thucydides, Edward Osborne Wilson, Blaise Pascal... she's perfected the art of the name drop! So not only is she qualified to sit on the federal bench, she's qualified to write music reviews for Pitchfork or book reviews for *gasp* Reason!
Janice Rogers Brown, who appears to be the most libertarian
of Bush's controversial nominees
Isn't that like being the best scientist on the Kansas school
board? :)
The question for me is not how good this single judge is. OK,
that's an important question, but it's not as important as the
overall character of his entire slate of nominees. If she's as good
as some people on this forum claim, well, great! I'll celebrate
that one small victory, but I won't delude myself into thinking
that Bush deserves unchecked power over the judiciary just because
of one good judge.
And if she isn't as good as some are claiming, if she doesn't come
through when fundamental freedoms are at stake and the
Constitutional language is clearly in favor of freedom, well, then
I'll lambast her.
Finally, on the issue of natural law and whatnot: There are all
sorts of perfectly good philosophies on which to base one's
personal opinions. But I subscribe to the quaint notion that
judicial rulings should be based on the law as written.
I'd strongly prefer no government spending, but you don't
get that many choices and my medical insurance payments were
killing me.
Isn't it convenient when your policy preferences for how tax money
should be spent also happen to line your own pockets?
But I subscribe to the quaint notion that judicial rulings
should be based on the law as written.
That would make you a strict constructionist. Pretty lonely, ain't
it?
While everyone is a strict constructionist when the words on the
page give them the results they want, few people are strict
constructionists when it means they will lose.
All the other philosphies do come into play even for us principled
strict constructionists, because appellate cases are often about
applying law in cases where it is not obvious what the words on the
page mean when taken out into the big bad world. Gaps and
ambiguities abound, so even a strict constructionist needs a
jurisprudence.
People for the American Way apparently didn't like this
statement (they saw fit to quote it twice):
"Big government is not just the opiate of the masses. It is the
opiate. The drug of choice for multinational corporations and
single moms; for regulated industries and rugged Midwestern farmers
and militant senior citizens."
People for the American Way is apparently in favor of corporate
welfare, farm subsidies and wealth transfers to the rich.
As a juror in the case of the people vs Janice Rogers Brown, I'm
still deliberating, but I'd hate to see what kind of statements
you'd have to make to get the People for the American Way to
approve of you.
RC, "Gaps and ambiguities abound, so even a strict
constructionist needs a jurisprudence."
One of the ways our legal system provides for these ambiguities is
to compel judges to respect precedent.
Janis Rogers Brown has stated that she does not feel compelled to
follow bad law "just because it is the law," and that if her hands
are tied by previous rulings, she intends to "gnaw through the
restraints."
Yep, great judge you've got there. But don't worry, she'll only
violate judicial ethics like this when she thinks there's a good
reason.
To RC Dean:
My policy preference is as little government spending on both
social and military spending, much less than we observe right now
in either the US or Canada. I thought my post made that clear. And,
no, this preference does not line my pockets, at least in the
direct sense that you insinuate. Is your policy preference
different than this? Have you found a jurisdiction where I can
relocate that follows this preference? Do tell.
PFTAW had this wonderfully hypocritical quote in its press
release following JRB's confirmation:
"She believes we would be better off if we returned to a time when
protections like the minimum wage, food safety standards, and
Social Security and Medicare were ruled unconstitutional�never mind
what voters and elected officials think."
And PFTAW favors abortion rights and gay marriage, no matter what
voters or elected officials think. Pot, kettle, etc.
I don't know how she'll turn out, but joe, if her gnawing
through restraints is done to restore much of the constitution, and
rein in the federal gov't a bit, then I'll probably be ok with
that.
But I'm not holding my breath one way or the other.
Yeah joe
Shoulda left that Dredd Scott and Plessy precedent alone eh?
Things'd been so much better if they had.
I think I just called Julian Sanchez a shill. That was a
mistake, and I apologize. I don't believe he's shilling for JRB, I
believe he really supports her. But my point was that business
interests fund libertarian organizations so that libertarians will
make principled arguments against non-business interests, and will
dress up Republican power politics in the garb of libertarian
principle.
JRB will not adjudicate against business interests. She will, of
course, strike brave and principled libertarian stands against
non-business interests who want to use the power of the state for
their own benefit. The effect is libertarian organizations shilling
for big business, but that is an effect, not the intent of the
libertarian water-carriers (in most cases).
I hope somebody will prove me wrong on the specific question of
JRB. Can anybody site instances where she's ruled against business
interests on libertarian grounds?
I'm sorry, Nice Guy, is it unfair to tag libertarians as
opposing laws that protect employees, consumers, and the
environment?
Yes, Joe, it is.
It might be fair to say that libertarians oppose laws that
_liberals claim_ will protect employees, consumers, and the
environment -- although even that is certainly too broad, as (for
instance) laws against fraud certainly protect consumers, and
libertarians certainly don't oppose them.
Minimum wage laws don't "protect employees."
Janis Rogers Brown has stated that she does not feel compelled
to follow bad law "just because it is the law," and that if her
hands are tied by previous rulings, she intends to "gnaw through
the restraints."
Yep, great judge you've got there. But don't worry, she'll only
violate judicial ethics like this when she thinks there's a good
reason.
You're trolling again, Joe. Stare Decisis is not an "ethical" rule.
It is merely a pragmatic rule.
Yep, great judge you've got there. But don't worry, she'll
only violate judicial ethics like this when she thinks there's a
good reason.
You mean like Clarence Thomas and Raiche?
joe,
I think that's refreshing. The willingness to set aside bad (that
is, unconstitutional) precedent is what makes Thomas a good judge
and Scalia a hypocrite. I know that precedent is important, but the
fact is, many, many past decisions have totally disregarded
constitutional limits on goverment. The constitution is the final
word.
This is only partially related to Judge Brown. She seems to get
this better than most judges, but the "natural law" talk makes me a
little nervous.
Lowdog, bob,
Thanks for, once again, demonstrating that the right's blathering
about judicial procedure is a load of crap. Federalism? Respecting
precedent? Deference to the legislative branch? Minimialism? How
quickly those all go out the window.
I like this Pro-Brown column from that bastion of Conservatism,
the Village Voice:
http://www.villagevoice.com/news/0520,hentoff,63997,6.html
Well, I'm not on "the right". I'm pro-freedom and
pro-constitution. That puts me at odds with both righties and
lefties, about 9 times outta 10.
And let me go ahead and admit that just about anybody could run
circles around me when it comes to constitutional and case law, so
I guess I'm just all touchy-feely on this stuff. But I still think
that, although precedent can be a good thing, as Steve said,
there's been plenty of times where the judicial branch was just
plain wrong on whether something was constitutional or not. If some
of those things were reversed, we'd be in better shape.
Steve,
"The constitution is the final word."
And when there is a question about the proper application of the
Constitution to a specific set of facts, judges are directed to
make a judgement call.
They make these judgement calls by examining past cases and
applying the principles enunciated therein.
On occasion, a previous case will have been so egregiously decided
that the extreme action of a complete reversal is called for.
Responsible judges consider this to a last resort, to be used only
in extreme circumstances - not the foundation of a judicial
philosophy.
Ahhh precedent. The concept that what other judges, in a different situation, with less information, were so much better at interpreting law that they should be deferred to in almost all circumstances.
"They make these judgement calls by examining past cases and
applying the principles enunciated therein.
On occasion, a previous case will have been so egregiously decided
that the extreme action of a complete reversal is called
for."
Much of the difference in opinion lies in the word 'egregious'. To
many folks around here, it doesn't get any more egregious than to
say that interstate commerce grants the federal government
unlimited regulatory powers. But, hey, that's the precedent.
I just ran across this:
http://www.thecarpetbaggerreport.com/archives/4062.html
while looking for JRB's views on Natural Law.
"California Supreme Court Justice Janice Rogers Brown told an
audience Sunday that people of faith were embroiled in a "war"
against secular humanists who threatened to divorce America from
its religious roots"
"She described these as "perilous times for people of faith" in
the United States; she insisted the "idea of human freedom" is
undermined when we move away from the nation's alleged religious
underpinnings; and she condemned atheists for rejecting the
"idea of freedom.""
Anyone know if there's any truth to this or whether these quotes
are taken completely out of context? If so, I'm less thrilled than
I was when I read the PFTAW quotes.
Given the assholes who don't like her (including those posting
here), I'd bet she's a damn good choice.
Next, we can fisk Thomas Jefferson and his views of god given
rights.
"Atheistic humanism has handed human destiny over to the
great god autonomy.... Freedom then becomes
willfulness."
Boooooo...
metalgrid-
Dammit! Why is it that any public official willing to talk
about freedom and limited government and the Constitution almost
invariably wants to mix religion and law?
I really hope that quote is out of context. If it isn't out of
context, well, we can always debate about the trade-offs involved
and whether it's worth it. But it would be really, really nice if
just once there wasn't any trade-off. If just once we could get
somebody who's actually good from a libertarian perspective.
Well, there is Judge Posner. And Judge Kozinski. I don't know what
their personal opinions are on religion, but they seem to be pretty
bright and pretty libertarian.
thoreau,
The quote I posted looks pretty bleak. However, I haven't seen any
evidence of her religion seeping into her decisions yet. Hopefully
that will remain the case.
"Atheistic humanism has handed human destiny over to the
great god autonomy.... Freedom then becomes
willfulness."
Damn! Sounds like she'll be gaius marius's favorite judge.
I mean, is it too much to ask to have some cool, mellow, but really
frickin smart judge who wants to leave people alone for the most
part? Who thinks it's cool to just leave people alone if they
aren't hurting anybody? Who doesn't feel any need to lambast
society for not being sufficiently religious?
I mean, is it too much to ask to have some cool, mellow, but really
frickin smart judge who wants to leave people alone for the most
part? Who thinks it's cool to just leave people alone if they
aren't hurting anybody? Who doesn't feel any need to lambast
society for not being sufficiently religious?
I think all those people are in jail for possession of pot.
According to Wikipedia, "She was the lone justice to contend
that a provision in the California Constitution requires drug
offenders be given treatment instead of jail time."
She's a tough one to nail down, isn't she? Not even taking into
account her politics, she seems really frickin' smart and
widely-read, and that's hard for me to square with her fire and
brimstone culture speech from April. She also seems to support
evolution, judging by some of the names she dropped in that speech
linked above. Janice Rogers Brown, who are you?
I'm going to set my expectations for her fairly low, so that if she does good then I can enjoy a pleasant surprise.
I think her being so nuanced bodes well. For instance, we have
the good Dr thoreau here. He seems quite nuanced. ie, came to
libertarianism from the left, has a Phd in physics but is still
obviously well-read in "liberal arts", does charity work, is a
self-described christian but who doesn't get preachy, etc,
etc.
So I think it says that whatever her beliefs, her intellect can
usually keep them in check.
Of course, this is wishful thinking on my part, and whether it
holds true or not remains to be seen.
The natural law stuff makes me nervous, too. I am hoping JRB is
trying to get at something similar to somethig somebody said
recently:
"Obviously, at some meta-level, your reading of the scope of
constitutional rights and powers is going to be informed by some
assessment of the consequences. I don't think it's reasonable to
read the First Amendment as making laws against fraud or murder
threats impermissible, even if some kind of hyper-literal
construction might entail that."
Fundamental questions like is-fraud-bad-or-good, what-is-a-person,
what-is-harm, what-is-injury are relevant in Constitutional
analysis, but the Constitution does not answer them. Maybe this is
the job JRB has in mind for Natural Law?
"She described these as "perilous times for people of faith"
in the United States; she insisted the "idea of human freedom" is
undermined when we move away from the nation's alleged religious
underpinnings; and she condemned atheists for rejecting the "idea
of freedom.""
Tell that to those poor, unamerican witches in Salem.
Jason Ligon,
"Much of the difference in opinion lies in the word 'egregious'. To
many folks around here, it doesn't get any more egregious than to
say that interstate commerce grants the federal government
unlimited regulatory powers. But, hey, that's the precedent."
I don't want her off the bench because we differ on what precedents
we disapprove of. I want her off the bench because of her
transparent eagerness to run roughshod over precedent. Judges are
supposed to respect precedent, and treat the reversal of
established law as an extreme act to be used rarely, carefully,
almost regretfully. She doesn't - she's eager to increase her
power, because she's eager to get in there and start hacking away
at established law she doesn't like.
Sometimes, a pitcher has to throw at a guy. That's baseball. But a
pitcher who does it all the time, and who talks about how eager he
is to throw at people, shouldn't be playing the game.
Tell that to those poor, unamerican witches in
Salem.
I doubt those witches were atheist and thus anti-freedom ;)
They were christian themselves and cannibalized by their own
sectarians.
Religion is always tricky, isn't it? Any society based on
individual liberty and personal responsibility will benefit from
religion, simply as the most effective way (imo) to order one's own
behavior. The problem is always when religion compels you to order
other people's behavior.
Currently there is a battle between two extremes. On the one side,
we have those who feel that religion is synonymous with idiocy and
bigotry. On the other side we have those who feel that everyone
else must be made to obey their personal religious beliefs. Anyone
in a position of power in this country has to walk a thin line
between the spiritual and the secular.
Can JRB do that? I'm not sure. I am certainly wary of her appointer
and some of her religious quotes, but she does seem to understand
that the limits of government power have been largely destroyed.
The real question, as it is for so many on the right, is whether or
not those limits will apply equally to their personal desires. So
far, the Bush admin has done very poorly in that area, but I'm
willing to give JRB the benefit of the doubt for the moment.
joe,
How should this work, in practice? If you're a judge, and you're
faced with a case where you think the law is unconsitutional, but
precedent says it's OK, how would you decide? If you think the law
is only a little bit unconstitutional, do you go with
precedent?
Judges are supposed to respect precedent
An easy position to take when precedent conforms to your view as to
the role of Government. However, if one has an intellectually
solid, strongly defensible viewpoint as to the Constitution (a la
Randy Barnett), I applaud them for openly and aggressively seeking
to correct what they consider to be the mistakes of the past. Is
this embodied in JRB? Time will tell...
Sorry...I should have also provided the obilgatory "let's hump Randy Barnett's book" link.
Steve,
If you think the whole world is crazy and you're the only sane one,
you should seek help. Or at least, not work to accumulate enough
power to be able to make everyone "sane" again. If you do try to
accumulate such power, responsible people will try to stop you, not
enable you.
Maybe Ms. Rogers Brown shouldn't be assuming that she's the only
one who loves America and freedom and opposes slavery. She wants to
wage war against the judiciary from within, not on controversial
issues, but on broadly accepted legal precedent that has the
support of both most of society, and the overwhelming majority of
the judiciary.
MP, "An easy position to take when precedent conforms to your view
as to the role of Government." No easier than taking the opposite
position when precedent is at odds with your view as to the role of
government.
Our judicial system is not neutral to precedent. Judges are
supposed to respect precedent except in rare, extreme
circumstances, whether they like past courts' decisions or not. If
you don't like those rules, you shouldn't be a judge, because that
is how judges are supposed to operate.
There's a pragmatic question to ask when advocating an overturn
of precedents:
It's all well and good to agree that most of what the feds do is
unconstitutional.
So, let's say that an Ideal Libertarian Judge is faced with a case
involving some guy who refused to pay his Social Security taxes.
(Assume that he's self-employed, so there's no boss to
automatically deduct it from his check.)
Now, we all know how the Ideal Libertarian Judge (ILJ)
should rule. But I can think of 2 reasons why the
ILJ might get cold feet:
1) The cowardly reason: The inevitable upheaval and subsequent
impeachment proceedins.
2) The slightly better reason: Such a drastic change, no matter how
Constitutionally sound, should come from the legislature. Just from
a pragmatic standpoint, to avoid massive upheavals social security
would have to be phased out rather than canceled overnight. If a
judge orders cancellation he's acting from sound (but explosive)
Constitutional principles. If he orders a gradual rollback and
specifies a schedule for payments to decline he's getting involved
in details of public policy and acting from his own judgements
about public policy rather than principles. Which isn't always bad
(judges sometimes have to exercise judgement), but with that level
of detail and that much at stake, maybe it should be handled by the
other branches of government.
I guess my main point is that if judges are going to overturn
massive government programs, they have to either face big upheavals
(e.g. a hell of a lot of people base their plans on Social
Security, and wouldn't give up quietly if SS were overturned) or
else phase out the programs over time, which means they'll have to
make the sort of judgement calls that legislatures usually make
(e.g. levels of funding, time-tables for ending the program,
etc.).
So I wonder if even an Ideal Libertarian Judge would really be
willing to go the final step and start overturning programs. More
likely they'll simply work at the margins. Which might be all we
should expect from judges. But I throw this out as something to
chew on: How far should even an idealist go?
Jesus H. Effing Christ in a sidecar, joe. I asked a reasonable
question about constitutionality vs. precedent, and you turn it
into "JRB is insane."
Take a deep breath and try to follow me here: I can't speak for
JRB, but personally, I don't think people who disagree with me on
the commerce clause hate America. I just think they're wrong about
the commerce clause. Can you even enterain the idea that a "broadly
accepted precedent" can be wrong?
Sounds like she'll be gaius marius's favorite judge.
she has a point, mr thoreau -- but has misidentified the source of
the problem. it's not about humanism abandoning religion; it's
idealism abandoning experience that corrupts freedom.
indeed, i suspect she's precisely inverted the issue. what passes
for faith in the united states today is unaffiliated with religion
in the institutional, deeply conservative sense. there is no
religious institution in american life; only personality cults
centered on people like james dobson and pat robertson. putting
"religion" back in the center of public life at this point is to
deal the deathblow to law and tradition that one would ostensibly
be trying to deflect by empowering these ideologues and their
solipsistic biblical interpretations.
Before joe jumps all over me for saying that it's cowardly to
uphold Social Security, the post was written from the premises of a
libertarian purist, to ask just how far a judge should really go
even if you accept all of the premises of a libertarian purist. If
the only thing that matters is being correct and ruling in a way
that maximizes liberty then sure, go ahead and rule against 95% of
what the feds do, and say that they're exceeding their enumerated
powers.
But if you worry about real world consequences then maybe judges
should show some restraint in approaching these matters.
"Judges are supposed to respect precedent, and treat the
reversal of established law as an extreme act to be used rarely,
carefully, almost regretfully. She doesn't - she's eager to
increase her power, because she's eager to get in there and start
hacking away at established law she doesn't like."
We just have different ideas about what judges are supposed to do.
Precedent should lose every time to a judge's clear understanding
of constitutionality. Respecting the precedent of Jim Crow is bad.
It is bad because it is a clear violation of equal protection.
Saying that no other part of the constitution that limits the power
of government has any weight whatsoever under the ICC is AT LEAST
as egregious.
If you think the law is only a little bit unconstitutional,
do you go with precedent?
the point of institutions, mr steve, is specifically to prevent
people from coming in -- regardless of their ideology -- and
reinterpreting how the society should work on untested, reductive
and unworkable ideological lines.
change is slow -- and should be slow -- to prevent individuals with
ideas that seem good on paper from annihiliating a working society
for an unworkable utopian one in one fell swoop.
if this is true
Janis Rogers Brown has stated that she does not feel compelled to
follow bad law "just because it is the law," and that if her hands
are tied by previous rulings, she intends to "gnaw through the
restraints."
her appointment is a defeat for the rule of law -- because a law
unaffiliated with history and the wisdom of our forebears is not a
law at all. it's an experiment.
"But if you worry about real world consequences then maybe
judges should show some restraint in approaching these
matters."
A judge that cares about consequences should rule on a smaller
program based on similarly weak ICC foundations as a bigger
program, thereby signaling where each related case will fail
when it is brought before the court. Congress then has a
mandate to start making plans.
thoreau, as an aside, it appears that the Kansas Supreme Court doesn't much care about massive upheavals. It is one of the more despicable school funding decisions I've ever heard of. I hope someone has the nuts in the Kansas legislature to tell the SC to get f*cked and start an all out Constitutional brawl, bringing back the fun of the 1850's.
Precedent should lose every time to a judge's clear
understanding of constitutionality. Respecting the precedent of Jim
Crow is bad. It is bad because it is a clear violation of equal
protection. Saying that no other part of the constitution that
limits the power of government has any weight whatsoever under the
ICC is AT LEAST as egregious.
so should she ignore freedom of assembly if her "understanding of
constitutionality" doesn't recognize it? mr ligon, this is a thin
branch you're on.
there's a fundamental fallacy in constitutional originalism. there
is no correct interpretation of the document, no universally
agreed-upon original concept. it meant many things to many people
even in the 18th c -- and for virtually no one was the uninhibited
expression of the will of the people even desirable, much less
intended by the design. the notion of an "original" interpretation
is simple bordering on stupid, frankly -- reductive historical
revisionism as an excuse to radically revise american law on
contemporary ideological lines.
we may agree that jim crow was bad. the process of its removal took
a great deal of time and struggle, but working changes through the
institutions of law ensured that the pace of change remained slow
enough to allow time to test the principles. people forget that the
several (all?) of the text of the constitution would have been
nullified entirely at some time or another long ago under duress if
the system allowed quick changes to be made to suit the mood.
to simply point at jim crow and say "precedent is bad" is to commit
the sin of survivorship bias; institutional pace turned back
several destructive reform ideas as it slowly allowed jim crow to
be reversed.
Jason-
So, the way I interpret your post, the best approach would be that
judges would refuse to touch the big, popular program. But if a
case involving a smaller program came up, the judge on the first
rung of the ladder would rule however he or she rules, and then the
appellate court judge could make a more radical ruling on this
smaller program. This would send signals that policy-makers could
use to prepare for possible changes to bigger programs.
Seems reasonable. Still radical, but not as radical as every
American waking up one morning to learn that some judge
unexpectedly threw out Social Security.
The earlier quote from Joe:
"Judges are supposed to respect precedent, and treat the reversal
of established law as an extreme act to be used rarely, carefully,
almost regretfully."
One quick replacement..
"People are supposed to respect precedent, and treat the reversal
of established norms as an extreme act to be used rarely,
carefully, almost regretfully."
Sounds sorta like something a hardline conservative would say about
the changing face of culture or something, isn't it?
the best approach would be that judges would refuse to touch
the big, popular program.
Seems reasonable.
no it doesn't! mr thoreau -- surely you can see that this is not
the rule of law! it is rule by populist fiat!
are there really people here who are still so young and naive as to
believe that we all don't need to be protected from our own worst
impulses by institutions that guard the law?
gaius-
Can you say with a straight face that a ruling against a social
welfare program is populist? Fiat, sure. Populist? Hell no.
"Can you even enterain the idea that a "broadly accepted
precedent" can be wrong?"
Oh, absolutely, it can be wrong. But judges are supposed to defer
to precedent, treat the established body of law with great
deference, not assume that large swaths of appellate and Supreme
Court decisions, ones that have formed the basis of how the
government operated for decades, were again and again and again
wrongly decided.
i fear so, mr thoreau, because -- as any dictator worth his salt
can tell you -- some segment of the proletariat can be fooled into
thinking just about any bullshit is essential for the good of the
people.
if you went to the RNC last year and said, "social welfare must be
destroyed!", you'd have had a grassroots army at your disposal,
ready to save america. i know populism in america has been tagged
with communist leanings, but we should remember that hitler and
mussolini were populist leaders.
populism was leftist late last century because the people were then
inherently social, utilitarian and empirical -- children of mill,
as it were. that has changed, as part and parcel of what i
constantly harp on -- the rejection of reality for personal
fantasy, emancipation and idealism.
judges are supposed to defer to precedent, treat the
established body of law with great deference, not assume that large
swaths of appellate and Supreme Court decisions, ones that have
formed the basis of how the government operated for decades, were
again and again and again wrongly decided
exactly, mr joe. this provides continuity and predictability to a
system of laws that allows corporations to plan future activity and
people to gain familiarity with their way of life.
institutions allow laws to change as what is perceived to be bad
changes over time. they simply ensure that the changes are not
impulsive, ill-considered and untested.
>I mean, is it too much to ask to have some cool,
>mellow, but really frickin smart judge who wants to
>leave people alone for the most part? Who thinks
>it's cool to just leave people alone if they aren't
>hurting anybody? Who doesn't feel any need to
>lambast society for not being sufficiently
>religious?
Yeah, who are they to judge?
Seriously, a person who 'wants to leave people alone for the most
part' is not likely to seek the office of judge. You get paid more
staying in corporate law.
It is a question of primary vs. ancillary function, mr. gaius.
Precedent should not prevent any judge or justice from ever
rendering a decision that is in their view correctly what the
constitution says. The appeals process, multiple cases, and
ultimately a 9 person Supreme Court are designed to prevent one
errant interpretation from going wild.
The conservative function of the court is completely of secondary
importance. Just as a casual observation, what sort of regulation
would now require an amendment? If the status quo interpretation we
are supposed to be so respectful of is one that flushes whole
swaths of the constitution and even renders the amendment process
moot, you are suggesting precisely that we engage in populism as
policy. The status quo interpretation of ICC and General Welfare
allows any current regulatory body to do near anything they want.
We have removed the inertia of constitutional justification. That
is what you are arguing to preserve.
As I mentioned before, I'm no romantic when it comes to
originalists vs. activists. I more or less accept that judges and
justices will make a decision and justify post hoc. I am making a
statement that appeal to a precedent that was itself horribly
argued is uncompelling on either a practical or philosophical
level. I am also saying that I choose to support judges that want
the things I don't like to go away, fully expecting everyone else
to do the same. I mean, really. Can you imagine all this whiny talk
about precedent from the left prior to the New Deal?
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
Sharecropper's Daughter
But both tendencies spring from the same root and neither is
preferable.
i don't know about that. pie-in-the-sky leftism -- yes, i agree.
but the american proletariat of that time wasn't
communist/anarchist -- they were utilitarian, and there's an
immense difference. latter-day idealism, unlike utilitarianism,
isn't based in any reality.
reinterpretation of the federal role during the progressive and new
deal eras
certainly i'd be happy to see the concept of the executive rolled
back (it always makes me laugh to hear cheney lie openly about the
decline of the executive -- what self-serving horseshit!) but, if
its going to be done, do it through the instituion -- slowly, in
measured steps. break the system apart and reconstitute it as you
think might be fit? that's a recipe for disaster, the exact
opposite of the rule of law one would hope to reinforce.
Precedent should not prevent any judge or justice from ever
rendering a decision that is in their view correctly what the
constitution says.
i can't tell you how profoundly that contravenes the notions of
institutional law. you've the order exactly wrong, mr ligon. have
you never studied institutions?
the precedent is the product of the accumulated wisdom of the
judicial system over two centuries. you would toss that out because
a judge gets an idea about what he believes the founders might have
had in mind?
this goes straight to the heart of what i'm always going over here
-- the rejection of history, wisdom and tradition for the unproven,
irrational, speculative individual idea. i know many agree with
you, mr ligon -- but that opinion is why western civ is
dying.
If the status quo interpretation we are supposed to be so
respectful of is one that flushes whole swaths of the constitution
and even renders the amendment process moot, you are suggesting
precisely that we engage in populism as policy.
the core problem is that so many have utterly no faith in our
forebears, institutiuons and history. the institution of the
judiciary is designed to accumulate their wisdom in precedent. and
yet you cannot trust them -- all of our history is a subversion of
The True Meaning, and your momentary notion of what the
constitution is supposed to mean trumps two centuries of collected
thought and experience.
isn't that the very definition of a radical idealist
judiciary?
constitutional originalism is a joke for this reason -- a very sad
joke. the "original meaning" isn't original at all, and isn't
particularly pertinent either. it's an idealized recreation cast of
postmodern ideas of what we think the founders must have meant! it
has no basis in fact or experience!
the experience of the nation is in that mountain of
precedents, not some postmodern mock-up of james madison!
denying the validity of our history and experience -- not just what
you think the founders meant, but the WHOLE experience -- is the
surest way to destroy this nation.
gaius:
I think there are obvious reasons to be skeptical that we are
sitting on 200 years of collected wisdom. What we are sitting on is
case after case that appeal ultimately only to certain specific
Warren Court decisions. To appeal to precedent as a primary
function isn't to respect collective wisdom, it is to regurgitate a
series of bad decisions, made by a single court under duress over
and over again, then to use the mere fact that we did so as a
guarantee that we will continue to do so.
gaius-
I actually have some sympathy for your point, but only a certain
amount of sympathy.
The thing that a lot of people here object to is the notion that
the Interstate Commerce and General Welfare Clauses can be
interpreted as blank checks.
It's not like this notion came about from the deliberations of
sages trying to properly implement the Constitution in accordance
with tradition. Rather, it came about in large part as the courts
capitulated to larger forces. The political winds were blowing in
the direction of a larger federal government, frequently due to
populist pressures. The courts capitulated because, well, if they
hadn't they would have been rendered powerless by the politicians.
Does the phrase "court-packing" ring a bell?
Not to mention that Presidents began to nominate judges who were
sympathetic to these expansive readings of the 2 clauses in
question, and the Senate had no problem confirming such
judges.
All this in response to populist pressure.
Now, I do see a certain amount of virtue in this capitulation,
believe it or not: The courts decided that it was better to bend
than to be broken. Fair enough.
Now, some judges want to push back. Or at least they claim that
they do. Personally, I see some dangers from it. I gave the example
of a hypothetical judge throwing the nation into chaos by striking
down Social Security. While I believe that in the long term society
could adapt to free market retirement, in the short term people
might actually riot, and so change will have to proceed
slowly.
So I agree that pushing too far in the other direction would be an
error (at least if it comes from the judiciary). But let's be clear
about the nature of the error:
It's NOT the rejection of a sound Constitutional
interpretation in favor of personal whim. While reasonable people
might disagree over the proper interpretation in tricky cases, it's
by no means reasonable to think that the Interstate Commerce and
General Welfare Clauses render the rest of the document
meaningless.
Rather, the error is that more traditionalist rulings might
provoke a populist backlash. Again, we can differ over
what the proper interpretation would be. I don't buy the notion
that there's a single, objective, and unambiguous way to interpret
the Constitution. (Hell, even the people who wrote it had
disagreements.) But it's one thing to disagree at the margins in
hard cases. Or even to have profound disagreements on particular
matters. It's quite another thing to think that those 2 clauses
render the rest of the document meaningless. Whatever else
reasonable people might disagree on, that basic notion is
sound.
So, when some judges want to get back to the notion of enumerated
powers I don't see them as flouting tradition in favor of whim. I
don't see them as rejecting the wisdom of the ages in favor of
populism. Rather, I think they're under-estimating just how
dangerous a populist backlash would be.
Short version: Big changes will have to come from Congress, not the
courts.
I said Warren Court. I didn't mean Warren Court. I meant the court that FDR bullied.
Just to emphasize the most important point of my long
post:
I agree with gm that it's a conceit to think that there's always a
single, unambiguous, objectively correct way to interpret the
Constitution in all cases. Even the people who wrote it had
disputes. And in the presence of ambiguity there is much to be said
for precedent!
But we're not talking about precedents that were formed in response
to ambiguity. We're talking about precedents formed in response to
populist pressures. Namely, the precedent that the Interstate
Commerce Clause and General Welfare Clause are blank checks that
render everything else (including the amendments) absolutely
meaningless.
As far as I'm concerned, the only reason to not overturn those
precedents is the danger of a backlash, either a populist backlash
(Florida and Arizona breaking into riots when Social Security is
abolished) or a backlash from the other 2 branches (impeachment by
the House and conviction by the Senate within 24 hours of drug
prohibition being overturned, followed by immediate detention at
Gitmo as "enemy combatants").
Now, those are significant concerns, but we should be clear about
the nature of the error. Judges who seek to overturn New Deal
precedents aren't rejecting accumulated wisdom used to cope with
ambiguous cases. Rather, they're courting a populist backlash. A
significant danger, but let's at least be precise about the nature
of the danger.
Jason-
From my admittedly meager legal knowledge, I have more respect for
Warren Court precedents than for New Deal precedents. Which is not
to say that I agree with every Warren Court precedent, but
expansive rulings on civil liberties and equity both me less than
declaring that the entire Constitution is rendered meaningless by 2
clauses.
gaius et josephus,
Let me put it this way. If the judicial branch suddenly has a
libertarian conversion experience, and begins striking down govt
programs left and right, and basing its decisions on a
hyper-individualist interpretation of the Constitution...and you
come along 50 years later, when all this is established
precedent...
Where would be your urge to stick with the slow, plodding
institutional rate of change, and your deep respect for precedent?
I hate to put words in your mouths, but I suspect you would
(rightly) reply that these "precedents" were produced by a court
that suffered from a temporary fascination with individualism,
greatly at odds with the prior philosophies of the Court. As such,
they are less precedents than wild deviations from precedent.
Then you would know how we feel.
The Constitution set up a federal government that couldn't really
do much without a pressing need, and the agreement of the executive
along with a majority of the states and a majority of the people's
representatives.
The problem we've discovered in this century is, once the govt
manages to come to agreement on something huge (eg the New Deal),
the Constitution's barriers to action make it hard as heck to get
rid of.
It's kind of like the climactic sequence of A Nightmare on
Elm Street, where the girl futilely attempts to escape from
Freddy via a window, only to discover that steel bars have been
installed across it.
Had Freddy been a man on the outside trying to get in, the bars
would have protected her as intended. But with Freddy inside the
house, they served only to lessen her chances of survival.
I have to disagree with crimethink. My concern isn't that we
need judges to overturn unconstitutional programs because an
abundance of checks and balances are making it impossible to do so
by any other means.
It's not like the "Repeal The New Deal Act" is only dying because
of a filibuster, or because Congress can't quite get the 2/3 needed
to override a veto. In fact, the legislative and executive branches
are eager to keep expanding the power of the federal government. So
there's hardly an abundance of checks and balances.
Rather, the problem is TOO FEW checks and balances. And the
judiciary has exacerbated the problem by signing off on the notion
that two clauses in the Constitution render the rest of the
document meaningless.
I'm not saying that the judges should repeal the entire New Deal
overnight (that might cause a bit of unrest), but it would be nice
if they at least backed away from the notion of blank checks. I'd
be satisfied if they simply said "Look, what's done is done, and if
you want it overturned you'll have to go to the legislative branch.
But dammit, no new programs that aren't enumerated
powers!"
So, in summary, I think crimethink has it 100% wrong when he
complains that we have too many checks and balances. The problem is
that we don't have enough.
I like the analogy, crimethink. How much you respect precedent
seems to have a lot to do with how much you respect the legal
status quo. People who love 2000 precedent might not be
particularly fond of 1900 precedent. It's also disingenuous to say
that the differences between them were really gradual,
well-debated, and evolutionary. Instead, there were a series of
individual rulings that upset the legal applecart, just as there
would be today if the courts suddenly got serious about limited
government. The truth is that Freddy doesn't mind the bars once
he's in the house. It's hard to see love of precedent (the most
recent precedent anyway) as anything more than approval of the
status quo, when you're saying that New Deal versions of case law
should be respected, but not any case from the laissez-faire
era.
"Look, what's done is done, and if you want it overturned
you'll have to go to the legislative branch. But dammit, no new
programs that aren't enumerated powers!"
Could you really do that, thoreau? How could you block new powers
that are equally or less constitutionally troublesome than stuff
already on the books? What explanation does the judge give about
why it applies to the new power but not to Social Security?
"Because I don't want to piss people off"? How does the judge rule
when someone challenges SS to him, using the judge's own words
about the new programs?
Well, I suppose he could just fudge some pseudo-logical explanation
like judges do now when they get trapped. I guess you have a
point.
phocion, Barnett gave SCOTUS wiggle room in Raiche. They were given the opportunity to rule for Raiche on the premise that the particular activity Raiche was involved in was non-economic. If they had decided the case in that manner, that would have been a good example of the "no new programs" way of acting that thoreau speaks of. Instead, they not only re-affirmed Wickard, they expanded it. Raiche may likely go down as the biggest SCOTUS decision since Roe vs. Wade.
Phocion-
I gave a bad example, but what I was trying to get at is the
possibility of middle ground between the status quo and our ideals.
The status quo is using two clauses of the Constitution to render
the rest of it meaningless. Our ideal is, of course, strict
adherence to enumerated powers. The status quo is clearly
unacceptable (ever-expanding federal power), but any judge who
strictly applied the concept of enumerated powers to social
security would touch off a riot. And any court who applied the
concept of enumerated powers to the drug war would find himself
impeached and declared an enemy combatant.
But I refuse to believe that these are the only options from the
third branch of government. I don't believe that the third branch
of government is generally the best place to touch off a vastly
unpopular revolution, but surely the third branch of government can
play a role in a movement toward smaller government. I'm no legal
scholar, so I don't claim to know the best way to do it, but I
throw this notion out there.
To appeal to precedent as a primary function isn't to
respect collective wisdom, it is to regurgitate a series of bad
decisions
that's only if you're of the faith -- faith, mind you -- that the
prior decisions are "bad" -- which is itself not a judgement of
empiricism but ideal morality.
don't get me wrong, mr ligon -- i might agree with you. i might
feel that the decisions made by the court under the duress of
executive authoritarianism in the trials of the first half of the
20th c have done great damage to the republic.
but the way to reverse that is not to ideologically impose
reductive New Ideas. you may believe you understand the owrkings of
government well enough to tailor and reconstruct the law to fit an
ideal -- to turn back the clock, as it were -- but you don't. no
one does. human societies are quite complex, and the past is not
the same as the present, despite the similarities that we see and
the patterns which recur. lex ferenda is superior to lex lata only
if you believe the unevidenced ideal is better than that which has
happened -- which may even sometimes be so, but you have no
evidence for it.
again, you see my point about living in the complex empirical world
as it is, instead of the reductive idealistic world you
imagine?
moreover, to make large changes -- to provide a large disturbance
to a complex system -- is to invite reactions in the system which
cannot be foreseen. institutional law does change -- but it does so
incrementally. if you want to change the law, do it
slowly. it cuts down on unintended consequences.
The courts capitulated because, well, if they hadn't they
would have been rendered powerless by the politicians. Does the
phrase "court-packing" ring a bell?
more traditionalist rulings might provoke a populist
backlash.
i think, mr thoreau, you answer for yourself why these things were
done. fdr could never have done what he did in an aristocracy;
they'd have killed him. in a democracy, he could appeal to the
people -- and did.
this is the weakness of democracy -- no law stands before the
popular will, and law as a concept is quickly destroyed.
but you must see that to reverse the flow radically and suddenly --
to rewrite whole sections of the law, even if in a direction you
believe to be a prior incarnation -- is not law nor tradition! it
is the recreation of a vanished past by idealization -- and that
past is not the same as our present, as you know.
if you disagree with the recent past and want to work toward that
idea, do so -- but slowly, not simply ignoring any precedent you
find too distant from the ideal you envision. strike compromises!
the moderation and continuity that will result is the crux of
effective institutional law.
Where would be your urge to stick with the slow, plodding
institutional rate of change, and your deep respect for precedent?
I hate to put words in your mouths, but I suspect you would
(rightly) reply that these "precedents" were produced by a court
that suffered from a temporary fascination with individualism,
greatly at odds with the prior philosophies of the Court. As such,
they are less precedents than wild deviations from precedent.
Then you would know how we feel.
mr crimethink, i generally agree with your interpretation
of events. and if said example occurred, i would be
appalled....
... but what i would NOT do, should the opportunity avail itself,
is immediately ignore all those precedents. to do so is to commit
the same sin in the service of the other ideology! and that can
only lead -- as it already has begun to -- to partisan rancor,
entrenchment and eventually civil violence.
there must be a healthy dose of restraint in effective rulership,
and institutional processes for change must be respected if one
wishes to avoid anarchy and destruction. even if my ideals are not
embodied in the law as it is, i refuse to junk the processes of
modest change for quick fixes borne of desperation -- for what i
would ideally fight were indeed that very thing when they were
done.
that so many libertarians believe in fact that this is what should
be done says much about how far "reason" is from reason, and how
ideological and idealistic libertarianism really is.
Steve,
I don't think Judge Brown is insane. I was using sanity as a
metaphor for sound legal reasoning.
It's hard to see love of precedent (the most recent
precedent anyway) as anything more than approval of the status quo,
when you're saying that New Deal versions of case law should be
respected, but not any case from the laissez-faire era.
only if, mr phocion, you're obsessed with the ideal ends and
ignorant of the value of the pragmatic process.
i am no fan of the new deal and the imperial presidency. but such
as it exists, it was allowed to come into existence because of the
breakdown in the respect for tradition and institutional processes
that followed the disasters of the early 20th c. that panic -- and
panic is what it was -- sent western bourgeoisie and proletariat
alike into flight from reality and history, law and tradition.
ironically, the slow and steady deterioration in western
institutions that was a result of that flight has only reinforced
their fall from grace in popular eyes.
the re-establishment of those institutions would be all-important
to the resuscitation of western society. but, as you might imagine,
i'm extremely cynical that such will happen. as we're seeing here,
even the side that claims to be the inheritors of locke and hume is
too idealistic to see value in modesty and limitation.
"It's hard to see love of precedent (the most recent precedent
anyway) as anything more than approval of the status quo, when
you're saying that New Deal versions of case law should be
respected, but not any case from the laissez-faire era."
I don't think you understand my point - I'm not holding up respect
for precedent as the fundamental organizing principle for society
(as gaius is). The People, the Congress, and the President should
let their freak flags fly, man. My comments are specific to how the
judiciary should work.
But as for "New Deal" vs "laissez faire era," your comment seems to
overlook the rather significant fact that the New Deal and Warren
court decisions came AFTER the "laissez faire" era. The legal
status quo was what it was at the time of the founding, and then
went through an evolutionary process that incorporated past
precedent, but gradually changed it as the world changes and the
application of the principles of the Constitution had to change
with it.
This is what a judicial branch does. If you want the courts to
operate in any other way, such as the precedent-busing iconoclasm
advocated by Jason Ligon, what you are saying is that we should
cease to have courts as they have existed since Anglo-Saxon times,
and have some other system instead. Now THAT is thumbing your nose
at the Constitution - the men who wrote and endoresed it knew what
a judiciary was, and made sure to include one in their system.
gaius-
I think we more or less agree. It would be neither feasible nor
wise for the courts to strike down the New Deal in one fell swoop.
Obviously most of that change should come from the other 2
branches. But I don't think that means the third branch must simply
accept the "blank check" interpretations of the General Welfare and
Interstate Commerce Clauses. Surely there must be some middle
ground where the courts could start to slowly rein in excesses and
reject the most egregious precedents, without completely reversing
everything that has happened.
Can we agree on that?
Can we agree on that?
yes we can -- and i sincerely hope they do. but i don't think they
will. the direction of the court -- of american politics -- is
toward majoritarianism and idealism -- and away from law and
empiricism. scalia himself, imo, has shown himself to be a
majoritarian in sheep's clothing and is working essentially to
undermine the "undemocratic" judiciary (thereby invalidating
it).
i think increasingly that, if you want rule by law, you need to go
elsewhere -- and perhaps nowhere can you see any longer the rule of
law and representative government really coexisting as they did for
two centuries following the english civil war.
But as for "New Deal" vs "laissez faire era," your comment
seems to overlook the rather significant fact that the New Deal and
Warren court decisions came AFTER the "laissez faire"
era.
I don't see how that has anything to do with it. Because they came
after the laissez-faire era doesn't mean they respected the
precedent themselves.
The legal status quo was what it was at the time of the
founding, and then went through an evolutionary process that
incorporated past precedent, but gradually changed it as the world
changes and the application of the principles of the Constitution
had to change with it.
Bull-fricking-shit. You must be using a new definition of
"gradually" that I'm not aware of. Wickard and similar
blank-check decisions appeared out of nowhere within a decade after
FDR floated his court-packing scheme.
"If you want the courts to operate in any other way, such as the
precedent-busing iconoclasm advocated by Jason Ligon, what you are
saying is that we should cease to have courts as they have existed
since Anglo-Saxon times, and have some other system instead."
I'll make a deal with you, joe. Let's reverse the precedent busting
iconoclasm of FDR's bullied court, THEN start respecting precedent.
If you get one radical iconoclastic swipe at precedent, I should
get one, too. Otherwise, this just sounds like an argument of
convenience.
We live in government by populism and we have FDR to thank for it.
All of the calls to appeal to precedent I'm hearing only want to
appeal to a couple of decisions during FDR's "old men" court.
Precedent begins and ends with that decision. If there is no logic
behind each subsequent upholding of ICC foolishness, only
precedent, then the claim that we are overturning some kind of
collective wisdom with a different interpretation is ludicrous. We
are only overturning a series of decisions that 100% refer to those
handful of decisions that, by the way, everyone knows were issued
only under duress. Why is that court the only one in history
allowed to decide on other than precedent?
Collective wisdom has to mean something like this: A court makes an
interpretation of the constitution based on some criteria. That
argument is logged. A future case revisits that same issue and
another court appeals to precedent in the sense that if their
decision differs, they must address the specific arguments
made by the previous court. In this way, collective wisdom is built
upon in the same way that the body of philosophy is built upon by
engaging previous arguments. Respect for precedent can't mean that
only one court in history ever thinks about anything.
I can't help but feel that joe and gaius are seeing a willy-nilly
ness to what I'm proposing that just isn't there. There are
conservative institutions in place - the appeals process, the nine
member Supreme Court, the select number of cases that will actually
be heard, and so forth, that prevent such 'chaos' as would result
from justices actually, I don't know, doing their job instead of
rubber stamping "What he said," on every case. The conservatism of
the court is NOT 100% located in its use of precedent, the
conservatism of the court is in its appeal to a document that is
designed to have to be amended to be changed. Under the suggested
levels of deference to precedent, we have flushed the first order
conservative measure of amendment in favor of a precedent that says
populism reigns.
The problem, Jason, is that Joe doesn't really understand the
issues; his reference to "Anglo Saxon times" simply confirms
that.
What he's talking about is common law. That's fine when we're
talking about issues of statutory interpretation. The value of
stare decisis (predictability) is high, and the cost (a bad
decision) is low, because it's easy for the legislature to reverse
it if wrong.
But the issue with JRB is constitutional law. The role of the
judiciary in constitutional law is different.
Now, of course what nobody on this thread has noted is that, as an
appellate judge, JRB will be both legally and practically _bound_
by precedent such as Wickard. As awful as it is, it's a Supreme
Court ruling, and only the Supreme Court is empowered to overturn
it. She can wiggle around the edges -- which is what our Roman
friend appears to endorse anyway -- but she can't confront it head
on. At least not until she ends up on the Court.
I don't want her off the bench because we differ on what
precedents we disapprove of. I want her off the bench because of
her transparent eagerness to run roughshod over precedent. Judges
are supposed to respect precedent, and treat the reversal of
established law as an extreme act to be used rarely, carefully,
almost regretfully. She doesn't - she's eager to increase her
power, because she's eager to get in there and start hacking away
at established law she doesn't like.
I am awaiting joe's denunciations of William Brennan, Thurgood
Marshall, William Douglas, and Earl Warren.
Nick
If Julian is a closetted homosexual, why do all of us regulars, who have never met the man, already know that he's gay?
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