Look Who's Rocking the Casbah

The revolutionary implications of Arab music videos.

One of the more interesting music videos released last year features an attractive brunette who, according to the video's narrative, is involved in a liaison taking place in a Paris hotel room. The visual narrative seems to offer the woman's often disconnected impressions of this apparently illicit relationship: Sometimes a man with a calculating smile is in the room with her; sometimes she's there alone, as if waiting for him. Naturally, the video is drenched in images of desire, especially the woman's erotic perceptions of the liaison and of herself.

For example, in one imagined sequence she isn't wearing much more than a skimpy bustier; in another she's lying suggestively prone, apparently thinking about the mysterious smiling man (who is seen in the background but not really present). Several times the camera invites the viewer to assume the role of the man, with the woman gazing at us with all the erotic intensity she can muster. As is usual in music videos, many shots feature the same woman in the role of singer, appearing onstage and performing the song we are hearing. But there are shots where she is both the singer and the character, including a curious shadowy sequence where several makeup women are busily applying powder to her exposed cleavage.

Eroticism like this, which seems to emerge from the pages of a Victoria's Secret catalog, isn't usually very noteworthy. Indeed, the video's assumption that there's something "forbidden" about its subject matter that must be approached in an "artistic" fashion may seem outdated. But in this case it is exactly such elements that make the production compelling. The reason is the video's cultural context: This is not an American or European or Japanese video; it is an Arab artifact. The woman is a singer named Elissa; her song, which has made her a leading celebrity in the Mideast, is entitled "Aychaylak" ("I Live for You"); and both her song and her video were among last year's biggest music hits in the Arabic-speaking world.

Elissa's video appears to establish a new extreme of what is visually permissible in Arab media; she herself has said that some of its sequences embarrassed her, though as the video was embraced by an enthusiastic audience she has also taken credit for what she calls her "daring."

While Elissa's imagery may be especially bold, the suggestiveness of her video is increasingly typical of what is happening in the contemporary Middle Eastern music scene. More and more Arab women singers are presenting themselves in provocative terms, as figures who express and assert themselves erotically through fashion, movement, expression, and voice. Nawal Zoghby, one of the region's biggest stars (she's been Pepsi's spokeswoman there), appeared in a hip-shaking video last year dressed in a tight and, by Mideastern standards, revealing leather outfit. She was backed up by a trio of black women singers in leather who were even more provocative. Suzanne Tamim offered a video (set partly in an American-style drive-in theater) in which she spent most of the running time striking a series of cheesecake poses in a tight outfit. This year's most notorious video thus far features a woman named Haifa Wehbe whom nobody in the region takes seriously as a singer at all. (She claims only to be an "entertainer.") The whole point of Wehbe's video is to show her dancing in a rain-soaked outfit (inspired perhaps by the "wet sari" sequences of popular Bollywood movies) while staring into the camera with her sultriest expression.

Many of these women singers, it should be noted, are Christians, and their videos are set in an obviously secular context that is sometimes specifically Western. But this new world of Arab videos is a pan-Arab project. The recording label for all these acts, Rotana, is based in Dubai, the Gulf state with the region's most open economy. Rotana's acts can be seen throughout the Arab world but are showcased via ART-TV, a multiformat Arabic-language satellite service established by Saudi investors, based in Jordan, and with studios in Cairo, Beirut, and elsewhere in the region. Most of the video production houses are in Lebanon, and the videos' credits (often in English) reflect diverse crews of Muslim and Christian Arabs, along with a smattering of Turkish names. The most notable director of these videos is Said El-Marouk, a Muslim filmmaker based in Germany whose work stands out because of its scale, spectacle, and excess. (He's the Ken Russell of the genre.)

Muslim women singers are also starting to bring erotic provocation to traditional, even specifically Muslim, contexts. A singer named Samr, for example, has released a video in which she appears dressed as the bride in a traditional Mahgrebian wedding celebration, complete with intricately decorative henna. Although she is clothed modestly and moves with decorum, her song is about her happy anticipation of her wedding night. Samr winks repeatedly at the audience even as she adopts an expression of mock modesty, rolls her eyes happily, and invites the audience to share in her anticipation of pleasure. Given that a woman's enthusiasm for sex is often considered suspect by traditionalists, Samr's performance is astonishing.

In short, there is a revolution going on in popular Arabic music videos (known in the Mideast as "clips"), and it suggests a larger upheaval that may be taking place among their consumers. Although dramatic social and cultural changes are particularly visible in songs and videos by women, they involve the songs and performances of Arab men too. Sex may be the most immediately striking aspect of these productions, but it is the least important aspect of their revolutionary potential.

After all, eroticism, even blatant eroticism, is not new in contemporary Arab culture; it is a well-known element of the region's feminist fiction and is used by such authors as Hanan Al-Shaykh and Nawal Saawadi. But avant-garde fiction like theirs tends to remain within a limited, sympathetic subculture. Arabic pop videos, on the other hand, are produced for pleasure (not to speak of profit) and consumed by an immense audience that can turn such works into political artifacts on a grand scale.

Indeed, it is the political implications of these videos that make them so interesting. What these videos offer their audience is an imagined world in which Arabs can shape and assert their identities in any way they please. The question is whether the videos are a leading cultural indicator of social and political change that enables Arabs to do the same in the real world.

The imagined Arabs in these often handsomely mounted productions stretch from the plausible to the fantastic: not only Arab femmes fatales in designer lingerie but cool Arab race car drivers, Arab cowboys, and Arab motorcyclists decked out in Harley-Davidson paraphernalia. There are Arab football players; Arab lovers driving a pickup truck through the American desert; Arab heroes of Gothic vampire melodramas being stalked by beautiful ghouls; veiled Arab women of the Islamic golden age; Arab couples searching for each other in a chromed, retro 1950s universe; Arabs haunted by mysterious desert symbols that hold the key to forgotten identities; medieval Arab countesses in their Spanish castles; and even science fiction Arabs confronted by mustachioed alien children from outer space.

Some of these subgenres, such as the Gothic and science fiction, have until now made little headway in Arabic popular culture, so the videos may even be stretching pop cultural boundaries. Their greater value, however, lies in their power to stretch the boundaries of their viewers' imagined selves.

Certainly one reason to take the videos seriously is the intensity with which their audience has embraced them. The first Arab TV show to showcase them in any important way was ART-TV's Top 20 (the title is in English), a weekly countdown program hosted by a young Beirut VJ named Nadeen Falah. Each show begins with a musical intro featuring an English-language rap theme song performed by a white American male. Falah, who is dressed and made up in a totally different style each week, reads fan mail, offers music biz gossip, and counts down the week's 20 biggest video hits.

The show has spawned numerous regional imitators, if not an entire alternate entertainment universe. No less than BBC's famous Top of the Pops is planning an Arabic-language version of its long-running format. There are whole 24-hour cable services, like Lebanon's Dream Machine, that program only pop videos. ART-TV itself has a separate all-music service that showcases pop stars in various interview and performance formats. When the United States, in the wake of September 11, wanted to grab the Arab world's attention and offer its interpretation of the news to the region, it didn't start a new information service; it established Radio Sawa. That service programs the pop hits visualized in these videos, burying a few minutes of news and commentary in each half-hour.

If you add the voluminous press and publicity machine that has grown around this scene, it begins to take on the proportions of a cultural frenzy. Such phenomena have a long and fascinating history; they occur when a cultural form becomes available to an audience that uses it to assert and validate its quickly shifting sense of itself. The Netherlands famously experienced such a phenomenon in the 17th century, when members of its suddenly enriched middle class latched onto paintings of themselves and their world as a way to express and validate their new social power. At the time, such subject matter was a departure for painters; indeed, it was the first time that anyone outside the aristocracy had owned paintings. The emerging British middle class of the 18th and 19th centuries went through a fiction-reading frenzy (of Grub Street "trash," mostly) as it sought models for its emerging social opportunities and identified with characters grappling with an industrializing, urbanizing world. Similarly, movies and rock music were powerful forms for different generations of 20th-century Americans. They used such forms to play with the new possibilities of identity that were coming within their grasp.

Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Report abuses.

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