Matt Welch | December 1, 2005
In the recommended New York Times article on Iraq propaganda I linked to below, there was another quote worth pondering:
"I'm not surprised this goes on," said Michael Rubin, who worked in Iraq for the Coalition Provisional Authority in 2003 and 2004. "Informational operations are a part of any military campaign," he added. "Especially in an atmosphere where terrorists and insurgents - replete with oil boom cash - do the same. We need an even playing field, but cannot fight with both hands tied behind our backs."
Italics mine. File these under the same category as ticking-time-bomb scenarios, zero-sum liberty-for-security trades, and the Constitution-as-death-pact. (Other nominations gladly accepted in the comments.) Each phrase is vivid and catchy, totally agreeable upon first or even second glance, and used in the service of actions that gobble liberty while doing squat for security.
The "even playing field" and "both hands tied behind our backs" fantasies -- shared fervently by Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney, and their boss -- is bogus on at least four levels.
1) No fighting force in the world is within shouting distance of the U.S. military's "playing field," largely because of the fruits of our comparatively free market, combined with policy choices and embrace of universal ideals, which have allowed Washington to afford a defense apparatus no other country could dream of. To somehow "level" the playing field would require radical and unprecedented disarmament.
2) As such, you simply cannot describe such a powerful military -- one that is expected (if grudgingly) by the world to take a lead role in the internal affairs of faraway countries -- to be fighting "with both hands tied behind our backs." Whatever happened at Abu Ghraib was not the result of a shackled fighting force.
3) Less literally, there is this strange assumption that the terrorists and/or insurgents have an unfair advantage, one which we need to erase by adopting their tactics, however unsavory. If that's the case, why aren't we teaching our 12-year-old girls to strap nail bombs to their bodies before riding the bus? Terrorists, who by definition are people who couldn't win a fair fight, use unfair tactics out of desperation, and also to horrify the sensibilities of citizens living under the terrorists' enemy's government. Their actions are almost always incompatible with spreading the cause of freedom. A military which sinks to their level risks alienating the very people they're supposed to liberate.
4) Noble ideals are not just noble because they sound pretty, they're noble because they work. Soldiers aren't taught the Geneva Conventions grudgingly, as some kind of suspiciously European scam to ignore when the going gets tough, but rather as part of a larger American fighting ethic that assumes we'll use cleaner means than our enemies, and benefit by doing so. Corruption of that ethic saps morale, and kneecaps PR.
The Constitution is not now and has never been a suicide pact, even back when the country was truly vulnerable to foreign invasion, like, oh, when the thing was written. On the contrary, it's arguably the best democratic defense mechanism known to man. If liberty and security were at zero-sum odds, the world would still be disgraced by Ceausescu, Husak and Honecker. And if rights and ethics were handcuffs, America would have been hauled off to prison decades ago.
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File these under the same category as ticking-time-bomb
scenarios, zero-sum liberty-for-security trades, and the
Constitution-as-death-pact. (Other nominations gladly accepted in
the comments.)
These things should be filed under the same category. I was
thinking of things to nominate for the category, and it struck me
that we also need a buzzword for the category.
...something that smacks of selling out or treason but also
suggests cowardice.
Matt,
I totally agree with you on #4. But I think that one or two of your
4 arguments may have fallen prey (if only glancingly) to your own
statement that "Each phrase is vivid and catchy, totally agreeable
upon first or even second glance..."
For instance, I fail to see what Abu Ghraib abuses mentioned in
your second point, has anything to do with the idea that we might
actually be fighting a foe that has some asymmetrical advantages.
Or that the US might find some use for propaganda (though I think
it's a BAD idea) against an unconventional foe who is fully
cognizant of - and relying on - our vulnerability to 4th Generation
Warfare principles.
Let's face it, as long as we take the moral high ground that we
agree (in #4) is one of our strengths, it will also be one of our
weaknesses against a 4GW foe.
"4GW is fought on the tactical level via:
- Rear area operations: 4GW warriors do not confront a
nation-state's military but rather it society.
- Psychological operations: terror.
- Ad-hoc innovation: use of the enemy's strengths against
itself."
http://globalguerrillas.typepad.com/globalguerrillas/2004/05/4gw_fourth_gene.html
...when I read:
For instance, I fail to see what Abu Ghraib abuses mentioned in
your second point, has anything to do with the idea that we might
actually be fighting a foe that has some asymmetrical
advantages.
...I thought, "Asymmetrical Rationalizations"! ...but that wouldn't
make for much of a buzzword, and, besides, it doesn't convey the
kind of treachery and cowardice these arguments represent.
rob,
"I fail to see what Abu Ghraib abuses mentioned in your second
point, has anything to do with the idea that we might actually be
fighting a foe that has some asymmetrical advantages."
That was an example, in direct and specific response to
the assertion that if we can't do like the terrists do, then "our
hands are tied". It's a pretty valid point, and the Abu Ghraib
incident is a pretty salient example to drive that point
home.
"Let's face it, as long as we take the moral high ground that
we agree (in #4) is one of our strengths, it will also be one of
our weaknesses against a 4GW foe."
We can agree on that===but then, the obvious question that follows
is, which is more important: the concept of a constitutional
republic bound by freedom, liberty and justice, or winning a "war"
against a 4gw foe.
In that light, your point about 4gw opponents is valid, but
inconsequential.
For instance, I fail to see what Abu Ghraib abuses mentioned
in your second point, has anything to do with the idea that we
might actually be fighting a foe that has some asymmetrical
advantages.
For instance, I fail to see what the reluctance to censor satellite
radio has anything to do with the idea that children might be in
the backseat listening.
For instance, I fail to see what the opposition to gun control has
anything to do with the idea that a lot of us get shot by hand
guns.
For instance, I fail to see what the opposition to the Patriot Act
has to do with the idea that we might have to stop domestic
terrorists like Timothy McVeigh.
For instance, I fail to see what the opposition to buckle up laws
has to do with the idea that we might actually save some people's
lives.
For instance, I fail to see what opposition to the drug war has to
do with the idea that we might stop some people from getting into
drugs.
blah blah blah
Matt,
I don't care what anyone says, that last paragraph is inspired by
higher authority. I literally sat up straighter while reading it.
Keep up the good work.
At first, I thought "chicken littles" might be a good name for
the category, but it doesn't quite stretch.
Chicken Little ran around yelling that the sky was falling, getting
everyone all riled up. And what did he want everyone to do? Why go
to the only person that could save them--the King! ...The term
"chicken", of course, also implies cowardice.
Unfortunately, the sky wasn't really falling, and these people
sometimes cite very real dangers when they want us to abandon our
principles. ...Naw, there's gotta be a better buzzword out there
somewhere. ...and "chicken little" doesn't convey the kind of
Constitutional treachery these people exhibit.
joshua corning - Remember that the original concern, established
many threads ago, was that the US MSM would pick up these stories
and print them as "Ah hah, those Iraqis really are (fill in the
blank)."
Lying to the bad guys? Not a prob. Lying to we USonians?
Bummer.
What the hell does propaganda and information operations have to do with torture? This whole story is a big so what. Yeah, we use propaganda and should. Its not like we are killing babies or something. Why does everything concerning Iraq somehow have to relate to Abu Garib. I just don't get this entire post.
Terrorists, especially ones working in their own country under
occupation, feed on latent frustration such as Rubin's. Their aim
is to confound the clearly stronger occupying army to the point of
inciting a barbaric backlash.
The massacre at Cruagan Field (Bloody Sunday, Nov 21 1920), in
which British paramilitary police opened machine gun fire into the
packed stands of a soccer game, in response to the execution of
twelve cops by IRA goons, was one such backlash, and was the
beginning of the end of British control over Ireland. The 1919
massacre of 400 civilians at Amritsar in India turned millions of
Indians against Britain and helped launch Gandhi's civil
disobedience movement.
Whether the Repugs understand it or not, the US military is one
atrocity away from worldwide condemnation and a mass uprising. All
it takes is one frustrated maverick field commander exceeding his
orders.
And I have to stand with BLG: I too was struck by the last paragraph as i read it. Nice work.
Ken Schultz,
I fail to see what the hell you are talking about. I don't see any
analogy to any of the examples you give.
cdunlea,
A mass uprising by whom for what? I don't think you can compare Bin
Laden or the North Koreans to Ghandi. Do you really believe the
Iraqis want the U.S. to leave and leave them at the mercy of Al
Quada and the former Bathists? Your statement is one of those
things that sound nice until you really think it through and
consider who are enemies are. They are nothing like Indian or Irish
nationalists.
Matt Welch-
Excellent post!
Its not like we are killing babies or something.
Glad to see that John has high standards.
John, I'll respond to you piecemeal:
I don't think you can compare Bin Laden or the North Koreans to
Ghandi
Not my intention at all.
Do you really believe the Iraqis want the U.S. to leave and leave
them at the mercy of Al Quada and the former Bathists?
Not at the present time, no. But the longer we stay and are the
present irritant--and I assure you, the irritation will grow over
time, not decrease--the Iraqis will forget how horrible the
homegrown Ba'athists were--they were Iraqis, after all! Just last
week Allawi, of all people, mentioned how things were better under
Saddam, at least in terms of infrastructure. That's not a good
sign, even if you discount its veracity.
Your statement is one of those things that sound nice until you
really think it through and consider who are enemies are
But here's the question, John: are our enemies their enemies? I
don't think al-Quaida will be blowing up Iraq once we leave; there
will be sectarian violence and homestyle factions shooting in the
streets, but our enemies will leave Iraq in peace, especially since
I suspect Iraq will enforce its Islamist constitution we set them
up with. Most of the insurgency is Iraqi, with some funding a
support by a-Q, but the people wearing nail bombs are Iraqis, not
foreign.
They are nothing like Indian or Irish nationalists.
Only to the extent that neither insurgency used suicide bombers to
any degree: the Irish because they considered it unChristian, the
Indians because Gandhi's control of the independence movement was
such that, until Independence and Partition, violent factions were
kept under check, as disobedience was clearly working.
The Irish (disclosure: I had relatives in Cork who supposedly
smuggled munitions in a donkey cart) were bomb throwers, did shoot
policemen in their beds, set the homes of Tory informants on fire;
they were not saints and they resorted to a short-lived but violent
civil war in the mid-1920's to settle local scores. The Indian
movement broke down along religious lines and began decades of
conflict still going on today.
Only the veneer of nostalgia and time allows us to look back at
these groups and see them something other than what they were. To
their contemporaries, especially the authorities, both groups were
considered saboteurs, murderers, and traitors
Here is the thing. Terrorists are extremely tough to deal with
because they enjoy several advantages. Just off the top of my
head:
1) Their lack of nationality makes them unapproachable through
political means, and provides anyone dealing with them plausible
deniability such that they don't in general need to fear
political consequences either.
2) The nature of their acts and the nature of their bases of
operations make them difficult to impossible to identify through
purely investigative means. The context of American law enforcement
is hideously inadequate to address threats of this type.
3) They don't care who they kill at all. If they kill you, that's
good. If they kill their neighbors, that's good too.
4) They retain the ability to deny that whatever agreements they
make are binding on this or that splinter group. "Bombs keep
blowing up, but don't worry that is just a fringe group."
5) Their generals are deterrable, but their soldiers generally
aren't.
6) As much pooh poohing as there is around the ticking timebomb,
nuclear terrorism is serious shit and is a plausible scenario. The
broad description of this problem is that it may take a large force
to engage a large force, but it only takes one guy to blow up a
whole city.
7) They enjoy broad support across numerous countries by people who
are not active supporters but who have absolutely no problem with
the methods employed by terrorists. These people all act as willing
shields. Yes some people are afraid of the terrorists, but many
aren't. Note the popularity of AJ coverage. Just like here, people
get the version of the story they prefer to hear.
I see this conflict as the struggle to remove as many of those
asymetries as morally possible.
Now, counting propaganda among the more significant of advantages
strikes me as silly, but I would agree that restricting ourselves
from a truly effective tool can have monstrous consequences. My
problem with the propaganda discussed here is that it is childish
and too obvious to be effective.
I don't see any analogy to any of the examples you
give.
Every example I gave suggests that we abandon our principles in the
name of security. ...just like *ahem* rob's comment did. ...You
know that.
Did you see the following part of Matt's post?
"File these under the same category as ticking-time-bomb
scenarios, zero-sum liberty-for-security trades, and the
Constitution-as-death-pact. (Other nominations gladly accepted in
the comments.)"
My examples would have gone under "Constitution-as-death-pact" or
"liberty-for-security trades"; I suppose you could file rob's
comment under either. Get it?
"They don't care who they kill at all. If they kill you, that's
good. If they kill their neighbors, that's good too."
Hmmm. Is there a reason why we're not tallying Iraqi civilian
casualties? What is the definition of the term "collateral
damage?"
Not to say that we are equivalent. Just that your statement equally
applies to us. If you want to say that we don't intentionally
target civilians (now), that's a valid distinction. But we most
certainly knowingly and/or recklessly kill innocent civilians - and
the fact that we continue is sufficient to prove that we don't
care, as long as we accomplish our other objectives. Much like
terrorists/insurgents...
"As much pooh poohing as there is around the ticking timebomb,
nuclear terrorism is serious shit and is a plausible
scenario"
At about the same probability of global warming, for most of us.
And really, the only way to eliminate it - the probability - is to
completely ban all nuclear energy, everywhere. Even our vaunted
military. Since I don't see that happening anytime soon, it looks
like you'll be living with that threat regardless of whether we're
spending 7 billion a month in creating enemies in the middle
east...
quasibill:
The distinction I'm making with regard to bystanders is in the
incentive. Collateral damage hurts our mission and helps theirs. It
doesn't matter who pulls the trigger. Ergo, they are trying to
cause collateral damage and we are trying not to.
quasibill:
On the way to the very far away 'eliminate', we pass 'reduce' and
'minimize'. I said that I wanted to remove as many of the strategic
advantages to terrorism as possible, but implicitly, I'll settle
for reduction if removal is implausible.
I brought up nuclear terrorism because, to me, that is what is on
the table if we permit terrorists to function as freely as they can
up to the point that we have a CSI-tight case against each
individual actor. Under those terms, we are granting them every
strategic advantage and the cost could be a mushroom cloud. It is a
given to me that they are trying to do everything they can to hurt
us until we take some of their advantages off the table. Yes, that
is a ticking time bomb argument of sorts, but there seems to me to
be an entirely legitimate point in there given what we have seen
terrorists do already.
"On the way to the very far away 'eliminate', we pass 'reduce'
and 'minimize'"
Spoken like a true Kyoto supporter.
Once you ceded the responsibility for risk management to the state,
you've lost the war.
"Ergo, they are trying to cause collateral damage and we are trying
not to."
I know - and I acknowledged that currently, we don't intentionally
target innocents. That is a valid distinction between us and them.
However, not caring if we kill innocents in obtaining our
objectives is not a valid distinction - both sides are guilty of
that mindset.
Although I would take issue with your assertion that targeting
civilians helps them. I don't think it does, and going by their
more recent behavior, neither do they. They've shifted their
targets to us and our proxy police forces.
Not to say that they wouldn't revert to targeting civilians if they
thought it would help them, but then, based upon our history, I
don't think we'd hesitate to do that either...
The law enforcement model has also failed to break the back of the Mafia. Should we toss aside our traditions and institutions to fight that deadly organization as well?
quasibill:
I was not here discussing moral differences, but strategic
advantages.
There is a contingent that is primarily interested in proving that
people won't and can't be better off. Every time they kill people
and hurt them through infrastructure destruction, they make their
point. There may be a limit to what people will tolerate and still
blame the Americans, and perhaps reaching that limit what what it
takes to eliminate this advantage.
quasibill:
The issue with Kyoto is that people conflate reducing greenhouse
gasses with reducing global climate variation, when we know for a
fact it doesn't work that way until you get in to very very large
reductions in emmissions that cost astronomical sums.
The issue of reducing the probability of nuclear terrorism seems to
me to be entirely different. Neither the specifics of the harms nor
the mechanisms of proposed fixes line up. I think you are
predisposed to see them as the same problem, but I don't see a
compelling connection.
quasibill:
This is kind of like the war on terror = war on drugs = war on
poverty line that I find utterly unconvincing.
the war on terror = war on drugs = war on poverty line that
I find utterly unconvincing.
There are differences, but the similarities are eerie. PATRIOT was
supposedly cobbled together from a drug war wish list. And during
the subway bag searches, NYPD officials admitted that they were
unlikely to find bombs but they'd probably find some pot.
As to the war on poverty analogy, not too long ago we heard a lot
of talk about draining swamps and changing cultures and
transforming attitudes. That sort of talk reminded some of us of
social engineering rather than warfare.
So the confusion is understandable.
"The issue of reducing the probability of nuclear terrorism
seems to me to be entirely different"
It doesn't seem so to me. In both cases its risk management, not
self-defense.
"This is kind of like the war on terror = war on drugs = war on
poverty line that I find utterly unconvincing"
I know you do, but I have yet to hear anyone refute it logically. I
happen to find it utterly convincing. Risk management = risk
management, whether it is done in the name of crime prevention (war
on drugs, war on poverty) or in the name of crim, er I mean
terrorism prevention (war on terror).
See thoreau's post for the similarities in the results if you still
don't see the similiarity in the intentions.
quasibill and Dr.T:
To me, you are both conflating the rhetoric, which I agree is
similar, with the facts of each, which are substantially
different.
Suppose I were to declare a War on Property Crime. Can I expect
that you would just decry this as no different than the War on
Drugs, which is to say that it couldn't possibly reduce property
crime or that the costs of doing so are a priori too high? How
about War on Violent Crime?
As for Dr. T's similarities, those are an entirely different beast
from the premise that a war on terrorism is structurally doomed to
fail because it is no different that the war on drugs.
Painting with an insanely broad brush, quasibill suggests that any
action taken as a risk mitigation measure must fail.
The analysis is entirely too simplistic, and completely unravels
when looking at details.
Remember that the original concern, established many threads
ago, was that the US MSM would pick up these stories and print them
as "Ah hah, those Iraqis really are (fill in the
blank)."
Did anyone come up with any evidence of this happening, yet?
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