January 6, 2004
According to a story Monday in the Dutch newspaper, De Telegraaf (link in Dutch), a Syrian journalist identified as "Nizar Najoef" has identified three locations in Syria where Iraqi WMD is hidden.
"Nizar Najoef" is more commonly spelled Nizar Nayyouf, and he is a remarkable man. He was a journalist and an activist for liberal reform under Hafez Assad, and as a result spent nine years in prison. In his first prison, Nayyouf tried to organize a prisoners' rebellion; he was soon transferred to another prison where he promptly began a hunger strike. Finally, he was sent to a military prison where he was subjected to appalling torture, and is apparently partially paralyzed as a result. Nevertheless, Nayyouf somehow managed to smuggle out information about the torture of his fellow prisoners. Numerous human-rights groups and reporters' organizations tried to intervene in his case; he was finally released in 2001 following a plea from the Vatican. Nayyouf now lives in Europe.
Where does Nayyouf say the WMD is (or was) hidden? In tunnels beneath the town of al-Baida; near the village of Tal Snan; and in "Sjinsjar" (Dutch spelling), a city east of the highway between Hama and Damascus. Nayyouf says he received the information through connections in Syrian intelligence. He believes the U.S. knows all of this, but is biding its time for political reasons. It will act on the information, he told the newspaper, "when the U.S. thinks it's time to see Assad go."
Is there anything to this? Who knows. What's impressive is that, despite paralysis, blindness, and illness due to torture, Nayyouf is still battling the Syrian Baathists. Not long ago he participated in a press conference accusing the regime of still imprisoning a Lebanese man who disappeared 12 years earlier. He's probably right about that. Nayyouf even beat a libel suit brought against him by Syria's former vice president (another Assad), after Nayyouf revealed that he'd ordered the murder of political prisoners. He's irrepressible.
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Jean Bart - I tend to agree. After all, France only sells nuclear reactors and WMD equipment and supplies to psychotic regimes when there is a profit in it. There is no comparable profit in smuggling WMD to Syria, I am sure, so I have little doubt that France's hands are clean.
Jean Bart... there's simply no reason for the US to invade
France (for a third time).
we'll simply ignore you, because much like the UN, you are
ineffectual and irrelevant.
Iraqi WMDs in Syria makes perfect sense. Nayyouf is hardly the first to mention them. But I find it hard to believe the Bush White House knows for sure where these things are but is holding off. Even if you believe they're that cynical (I don't) you just don't sit on such news for so long in the real world of politics (assuming it's even possible to keep such a secret).
Most of the US antipathy toward France is, to paraphrase, Dave Barry, nasal cavity envy.
I have never written that France is a flawless country; but
the notion that France would help Syria hide WMDs smuggled out of
Iraq is ludicrous on its face, and would require more than mere
rumour to justify as a believeable story
France helped build the Osirak reactor for Hussein *after* he
bragged that the war against Israel could continue as soon as an
Moslem state had nukes. So there's no doubt that France is pro-WMD,
where Iraq is concerned. The only question is: was France willing
to risk being pro-Iraq-WMD even after the international community
cracked down on Iraq's WMD programs?
Well, either France kept helping Iraq's WMD programs or it didn't.
If it didn't, then obviously it's hard to think of many good
reasons for France to help cover up whatever WMD programs Iraq
had.
But if, on the other hand, France *did* continue to help Iraq with
its WMD programs -- and I feel there's considerable evidence that
this is the case, even if we don't count the circumstantial
evidence of France's excessive enthusiasm for NOT punishing Iraq
for sanctions violations -- then Frances had plenty of reason to
help the Hussein regime stash its WMDs in good hiding spots.
Do I think the French helped Hussein hide WMDs? I have no opinion
on that subject. France had the means and the opportunity, but
whether it had the motive remains to be seen.
But as for invading France... um, France is a nuclear power. Even
if we wanted to invade them, which we don't, you can't invade a
nuclear power unless you want to lose the majority of your
population. France, like Russia, China, the United States, and a
few other nations, knows that it can do just about anything it
wants to without having to worry about military retaliation.
This "nuclear invulnerability" problem is, of course, one of the
many arguments for toppling hostile regimes, such as Hussein's,
*before* they get nukes.
Raisin--
I am less sure. Because possibly the French-- worse yet the
Russians-- maybe both-- are involved. Their embassies fled,
remember? Why?
Contrary to the impression created in the media, the "cowboy" White
House really doesn't wish to permenently queer our relationship
with other industrial democracies. Some things would be
unacceptable to the American public.
Bush has always seemed quite relaxed and confident on WMD. Remeber
the Rosenbergs? The govy. case against them looked a little weak on
the face of it...because they knew more than they cared to say.
Mid-level intelligence agents are useful to almost anyone, some
former Iraqi agents are being recycled into new Iraqi agents, I
don't know what this deprogramming entails, possibly watching Rocky
III until they spontanteously stand and cheer "USA! USA!", but in
any event the fixers and finders of society will do fine no matter
who the government is.
I agree, the US military is stretched thin and an additional
invasion is unlikely at this time. Part of the reason it takes
months to roll into a country is that we have to move a couple of
thousand vehicles, food, fuel and ammunition into place. While it
is possible we could drop some element of airborne infantry on a
specific location for a limited period of time, they would need to
get out again, and the raid itself would be a severe
provocation.
Besides, even if there are WMD at those sites, they are probably
Syrian in origin, and what political price would there be for a
raid into a non-aggressor nation (unless you count Lebanon, well,
anyway) that did NOT produce WMD?
As far as the French, well, they're French. What do you expect?
Jean
I did not say France was involved. I think Russia is a far more
likely suspect (and of course, this whole thing could be
bullshit).
There was a murky incident between our special ops and the russian
embassy convoy (60 vehicles were reported).
I point up the irony that the Bushies have NOT been intemperate
with France-- still less Putin's Russia-- and appear to want to
sustain relations as much as possible. They actually have an
incentive to cover anything that would make it politically
impossible to let bygones be bygones.
During the Cold War, there was a whole history of America covering
up known Soviet violations of public agreements for broadly similar
reasons. Books have been written about it.
Releasing information on Syria's posession of Iraqi WMD's at
this time would be senseless because:
1. Today is not a good time, logistically speaking, to attack
Syria. Our limited armed forces are quite busy already.
2. We haven't, politically speaking, completely given up on a
diplomatic solution with Syria. The threat of this information
becoming officially public helps to keep the Syrian regime in
line.
3. We are no longer attempting to justify the war in Iraq. This
information is not necessary for that purpose.
R.C. wrote: "After all, France only sells nuclear reactors and
WMD equipment and supplies to psychotic regimes when there is a
profit in it."
Gee, even I'm not *that* critical of the Israeli government.
See:
http://www.wisconsinproject.org/countries/israel/nuke.html
In 1986, Francis Perrin, high commissioner of the French atomic
energy agency from 1951 to 1970, was quoted in the press as saying
that France and Israel had worked closely together for two years in
the late 1950s to design an atom bomb. Perrin said that the United
States had agreed that the French scientists who worked on the
Manhattan Project could apply their knowledge at home provided they
kept it secret. But then, Perrin said, "We considered we could give
the secrets to Israel provided they kept it a secret
themselves."
See also:
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/israel/documents/reveal/
http://nuclearweaponarchive.org/Israel/Isrhist.html
http://www.tgarden.co.uk/writings/candet/cdl8.html
So we attacked Iraq and they moved their WMD to Syria for
safekeeping. If we attack Syria, won't they hide them in Lebanon?
Or sell them off to terrorists if it comes to that? (I know Assad
has no love for Islamic radicals, but if his ship is going down he
won't much care any more)
This was one of the things that bugged me about the Iraq invasion.
"We know you have these weapons and might give them to terrorists,
so we'll invade you in several months, giving you plenty of time to
do exactly that."
I know where the WMD are, but if I wrote it here, I would have to use a special typeface which would instantly put your eyes out.
The WMD angle is interesting, but if CPF has posted an accurate
account, the man is even more so. As I become more cynical, it is
good to hear of people fighting the good fight.
Hell, it is good to see that someone sees the value in fighting for
anything at all these days.
In light of the fact that we such different opinions on this
topic, I genuinely appreciate the warm and open-minded tone that
has persisted throughout this discussion. With that said, I would
like to take this opportunity to comment on a few of the things
that have been mentioned by others participating in the
discussion.
Will Spencer made a few points that I believe are worth repeating
in asserting that "[r]eleasing information on Syria's posession of
Iraqi [WMDs] at this time would be senseless." Mr. Spencer supports
his argument by saying that the United States is not in a position
to seek out WMDs in Syria in a manner consistent with that in which
we sought them out in Iraq. He also correctly notes that diplomatic
pressure on Syria ceases to be effective when the United States
takes an incontrovertibly hard line against Syria and demands it
produce weapons or face the consequences.
But, perhaps the most important point made by Mr. Spencer is that
there is no need for us to "justify" the Iraq war at this juncture.
As others have alluded, I strongly believe that there are ties
between Iraq and a number of WESTERN EUROPEAN governments, as well
as ties with Russia, that we cannot afford to make public at this
time.
As Andrew said, the so-called "cowboy" White House hasn't clogged
arteries to the extent that many liberals would like to have us
believe. Because some, like Jean Bart, want us to believe that
France and the United States are ready for war (perhaps Thomas
Friedman of the Times might concur), I would like to submit a
dissent.
On July 4, 1803, President Thomas Jefferson learned of a decision
made by Napoleon Bonaparte to accept the United States� offer to
purchase France�s Louisiana Territory. With this transaction, the
fledgling American republic doubled in size, and the acquisition of
the territory laid the foundation for America�s westward expansion,
which had an indelible impact on the development of the nation.
Although the Lousiana Purchase represented neither the first nor
last instance of cooperation between the two countries, this month
Louisiana officials were unable to persuade President George W.
Bush and French President Jacques Chirac to attend a celebration of
the bicentennial of the Louisiana Purchase. A Louisiana government
official stated that the two leaders were not attending the New
Orleans festival because of open wounds inflicted during the
lead-up to the American-led�and French-opposed�war to oust Iraqi
dictator Saddam Hussein and France�s continued opposition to
postwar Iraqi reconstruction efforts. Based upon this assessment
and the general tone that the two countries use when voicing their
differences on the Iraq question, it would appear that the
relationship between France and the United States has recently
suffered a catastrophic setback.
While the nature of the two nations� relationship has recently
become a subject of intense debate in both countries following the
ouster of Saddam Hussein by coalition forces, an analysis of the
French-American relationship�and of cooperation between the two
countries�deserves a more thorough evaluation than is provided by
merely considering the Iraq question. It is as incontrovertible
that the United States and France have much in common as it is that
they sometimes disagree on a number of significant issues. The two
countries are arguably the only two states in the modern world who
both harbor their own universal ambition and zealously proselytize
those ambitions throughout the world. What might be called the
fundamental political documents of each state�America�s Bill of
Rights and France�s Declaration of the Rights of Man�were both put
forth in 1789. Although America, a largely Protestant nation with a
soft history of imperialism, is readily distinguishable from the
empire-building and Catholic France, over the past centuries the
disparate origins of the two countries has been counterbalanced by
their universal ambitions, establishing a rivalry�not a
hatred�between the two nations.
The countries do often disagree, though not, it will be argued, to
a point that irrevocable harm is inflicted upon their relationship
or cooperative efforts. For example, in addition to the differences
between the United States and France over the war against Iraq, the
two nations have also recently struggled with broader disagreements
over the geopolitical development of post-Cold War Europe as the
continent moves to embrace the former Soviet republics, and they
also quarrel over such economic issues as genetically modified (GM)
foods. However, through an analysis of economic cooperation between
the two countries, I argue that, looking past the disagreement over
the war in Iraq, there has not been a fundamental change in the
degree or the nature of economic cooperation between the United
States and France following the United States� military
intervention in Iraq. Before analyzing the relationship between the
United States and France and testing for changes in cooperation
between the two countries, it is necessary that distinctions be
made about a few of the most important political concepts that
relate to this analysis.
In order to analyze the level of cooperation between the United
States and France and determine whether it has changed, it is first
necessary to define cooperation. For the purposes of this analysis,
the definition of cooperation offered by Robert Keohane is
appropriate. Keohane defines cooperation as a situation in which
�the actions of separate individuals or organizations�which are not
in pre-existent harmony�[are] brought into conformity with one
another through a process of�policy coordination.� The Keohane
definition of cooperation sheds light on two other important
concepts: harmony and policy coordination. For the purpose of this
analysis, harmony is identified as a situation in which the
policies of two states �automatically facilitate the attainment of
[the other�s] goals.� Likewise, policy coordination involves
�[making] adjustments�such that the adverse consequences of any one
decision for other decisions are�[to some extent and frequency]
avoided, reduced, counterbalanced, or outweighed.� In the absence
of such coordination or cooperation, discord�defined as �a
situation in which governments regard each others� policies as
hindering the attainment of their goals��is the outcome. Because it
would be a task of Sisyphus to arrive at a tenable methodoligical
system by which one could quantitatively test for a change in
cooperation, this analysis will rely upon a qualitative analysis
that tests for the persistence of economic cooperation before the
Iraqi conflict that remain extant today.
Before embarking upon an examination of contemporary relations
between the two nations, it is helpful to note the historical
context within which the US-France relationship developed.
Following French assistance to the rebelling colonists during the
American Revolution, the relationship between the United States and
France experienced a largely ineffectual period, as francophile and
francophobe presidents rotated in and out of the American White
House while the French state was preoccupied with European affairs.
Although the two countries signed their first treaty in 1803 in
which the United States purchased the Louisiana Territory, the two
nations frequently found themselves looking in different directions
and lacking either a need or desire to collaborate or cooperate on
national levels for most of the nineteenth century. Over time,
however, technological improvements in communication and travel
strengthened the utility of more advanced exercises of cooperation
between the two countries, which reflected a general trend of
heightened interest and usefulness for intercontinental alliances.
Most importantly, with the Great War and, later, the Second World
War, cooperation expanded tremendously. Following the end of World
War II, the two nations embarked upon an euduring era of economic,
political, and military cooperation on the heels of the Marshall
Plan of 1948. In a symbolic gesture of friendship, France in 1949
began waiving the requirement of visas for US citizens traveling to
the country. One year later, mutual defense assistance programs
began between the two nations. When the American Secretary of
State, Colin L. Powell, recently remarked that when called to war,
�[Americans] have asked for nothing except enough ground to bury
[American troops] in, and otherwise we have returned home�to live
our own lives in peace,� he was most directly referring to a 1956
bilateral agreement whereby the United States received permission
from France not only to create permanent military cemetaries there,
but also to begin the unprecedented construction in France of
shared war memorials honoring the side-by-side sacrifices of
soldiers representing both countries in World Wars I and II. In
addition to fortifying economic and sentimental linkages during
this period, a 1961 agreement on atomic weapons systems
strengthened military cooperation between the countries, and in
1971 France and the United States joined forces to fight against
illegal drug trafficking by coordinating with each other�s efforts
in curtailing illicit drugs.
In discussing the US-France relationship in the contemporary
context, it would be unwise to omit at least a cursory exploration
of the two countries� dispute over the recent US-led military
intervention in Iraq. In The Prince, Machiavelli noted that
�[t]here is nothing more difficult to manage, or more doubtful of
success, or more dangerous to handle than to take the lead in
introducing a new order of things. � Machiavelli�s observation is
significant in that the introduction of new political orders and
norms emerged as a significant issue of concern throughout the UN
debate over the proper course of action in Iraq, during which
France maintained an open objection to the American policy of
preemption, which the European nation claimed to be an
unprecedented doctrine. Following months of intense discussion on
the question of whether or not the regime of Saddam Hussein could
be effectively disarmed in the absence of the use of force (it was
argued that all prior concessions made by the Iraqi dictator had
been achieved either by the use of or threat of using force), on
March 1 Paris announced that the nation �[would] not allow a
resolution to pass that authorizes resorting to force.� Through
this action, France committed an act from which there was no
retreat�an accusation, ironically, that it had levied against the
American government for its insistence that Iraq disarm or face
military consequences. Indeed, France may have implicitly conceded
its mistake of so quickly announcing that it would never support
intervention in Iraq, as the French Ambassador to the United
States, Jean-David Levitte, on November 10 attempted to deny the
March 1 statement of Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin. In a
letter that appeared in The Washington Post, Levitte asserted that
�France�fully subscribed to the objective of disarming Iraq [and]
never ruled out the use of force,� contradicting and backpedaling
from the statement made by Foreign Minister de Villepin before the
initiation of hostilities. Out of this cloud of confusion, pundits
espoused diverse observations of the lasting implications of the
rift between the centuries-old allies.
In the aftermath of the Iraq conflict, one of the most notably
optimistic observations on the state of US-France relations was
recently put forth by New York Times reporter Elaine Sciolino, who
traveled to Paris following the announced end of major combat
operations in Iraq. On her trip to France, Sciolino sought to
accurately portray the state of the Franco-American relationship by
gauging the opinions of ordinary Americans and Frenchmen.
Summarizing her findings, Sciolino wrote that
[I]t�s easy to think relations between France and the United States
[are] horribly damaged. But there is another dimension, beyond the
deep divide over Iraq: most of the rest of the relationship remains
fine.
In making this statement, Sciolino suggested that on issues not
relating to Iraq, the United States and France continue to enjoy a
mutually beneficial, cordial, and indeed, cooperative,
relationship. Sciolino encapsulated this perception with a quote
from former UN Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who remarked of the
perceived rift between France and the United States: �This is not
as serious as people think.� To bolster these assertions, Sciolino
points to what she perceives as a clash of personalities between
Presidents Bush and Chirac�perhaps explaining their infrequent
visits with one another even before the two leaders grew apart amid
disagreements over the Iraq issue. Nevertheless, the point of
emphasis for Sciolino remained that the difference over Iraq would
not bleed through to other aspects of the relationship such as
economic cooperation.
A more pessimistic perspective on the Franco-American relationship
is offered by Reason Magazine�s Cathy Young, who argues that �the
war in Iraq has escalated tensions between the United States
and�[France]�tensions that show no signs of abating after the war�s
end.� Young suggests that the tension over the Iraq dispute is a
grave sign of impending crisis for the Franco-American
relationship. She argues that the tension over Iraq reflects
�emotions that were previously channeled, less intensely, into such
issues as globalization.� As evidence of tumultuous times and a
growingly rocky relationship, Young draws upon unsubstantiated
accusations of a vast right-wing write-off in America of Europe and
Europeans as a whole and of she further asserts that rising
anti-Semitism among the left in France. However, through an
analysis of the state of economic cooperation within the
relationship, doubts arise concerning the legitimacy of Young�s
assertion that cooperation between the United States and France has
halted and that the US-France relationship has frozen to the point
of reaching absolute zero, as it is evident that instances of
economic cooperation that were ongoing prior to the initiation of
hostilities have gone uninterrupted in the aftermath of the
war.
Economic cooperation is arguably the most important element of the
Franco-American relationship, and it remains strong between the two
nations. Indeed, economic cooperation and agreements between the
nations have experienced no fundamental changes in the aftermath of
the Iraq conflict, nor have the nations approached situations of
discord or worked to reduce the degree of policy coordination
between the two countries. Over the past ten years, American
investment in France has nearly doubled, and French investment in
the United States nearly quadrupled. The basis of most of the
economic investment over the past decade between the two countries
has been foreign direct investments (FDI), and the levels of such
investments have not significantly declined over the past year.
Furthermore, commercial exchanges between the two nations remain
strong, and although these commercial exchanges have declined since
2002, this is more accurately attributable to the slowdown of the
French economy than to reductions in economic cooperation. For
example, France�s attempt at a 35-hour workweek has been blamed for
declines in both the domestic and foreign economic outlooks of the
country, and even the French government has blamed the decline in
trade with the United States on domestic economic constraints�and
not nonexistent repercussions that followed their opposition to the
war in Iraq. Following the implementation of the 35-hour work week,
unemployment has skyrocketed into the double digits in France.
Economic cooperation between the nations is also bolstered by the
French and American work ethics and a prevailing belief in America
as a land of opportunity. Furthermore, policy coordination remains
strong, as the revocation of income tax agreements and other
treaties signed by the two nations in the last decade have not even
been suggested by either country. As Dominique de Villepin put it
in an interview with Newsweek, �France wants to work [with] and
help the U.S. because we share common values and a common
destiny.�
Instead of asserting that economic cooperation has declined as a
result of differences over Iraq, it is arguable that both countries
have gone to great lengths to ensure that the political fallout
over the Iraq question does not carry over to affect the economic
situations in either country. For example, in March The New York
Times reported that a spillover would occur from the tensions over
Iraq and taint the trade environment between France and the United
States, squaring with a Wall Street Journal article run one week
earlier, which had indicated that France was confident that it
would not suffer commercially for opposing the war in Iraq. Indeed,
one month later US trade representative Robert B. Zoellick
reassured France of just this outcome: under no circumstances,
Zoellick said, would the United States extend disagreements on Iraq
into acts of economic discord or attempts to undermine or fade out
decades-old policy coordination.
More than two hundred years after their relationship began, the
United States and France continue to count upon each other for
economic, military, and diplomatic support, and like any mature
relationship, the relationship between these two nations will
likely be shown capable of withstanding the test of time. As the
two countries continue to enjoy a remarkable degree of economic
cooperation, it is unlikely that their special relationship will
permanently fade�although it has undoubtedly temporarily faded�in
light of the differences between the two governments over military
intervention in Iraq; indeed, although the media tends at times to
concentrate solely on the more gloomy aspects of the
Franco-American relationship by concentrating on largely technical
issues facing both countries, it is evident by analyzing the
endurance of economic cooperation between the two states that there
remain many ripe grapes on the vine that is the special
relationship enjoyed by France and the United States.
For those of us in the discussion who would have everyone else
believe that France has never supported Iraq (a statement as
preposterous as that that the U.S. never supported Iraq), I would
like to point out that France's denial of crucial involvement in
Osiraq is preposterous, as at the time of its construction the
facility was nicknamed "Ochirac" in light of how much support
Jacques Chirac (not President then, of course) gave the project
through his political offices.
Before you denounce me for being intolerant, however, I would like
to point out that I agree with the question posed by Henry
Kissinger, "Why must we be consistent in our foreign policy?" That
the U.S. supported Saddam twenty-five years ago does not mean we
must support him forever. The same applies, with equal weight, to
the French government. However, the difference between U.S. support
of Iraq and French support of Iraq is that the U.S. was not
continuing to ship Iraq throughout the 1990s illicit materials
banned by U.N. sanctions, while France continued to do so. I'm not
saying France wanted to keep Saddam in power outrightly, but I am
saying they didn't particularly mind his being in power.
They still try and stab us in the back whenever possible. Libya
1986(and I read that Chiraq was not in the loop at all) and passing
US plans during Bosnia, just some of the most recent.
John Adams had it right and they haven't changed in 200 years. It's
just that we're not as "tolerant" as we used to be. And we've never
made them pay back what they owe on the Marshall Plan,
either.
Highly doubtful it will get better w/whoever replaced Chiraq.
Pickins' are slim there.
Interesting read, JB.
The United States and France were on the brink of war during the
XYZ affair, however the two countries got over that incident
relatively quickly.
France has been wise in the past in picking their diplomatic
battles. This time however they chose unwisely, and will pay for
it: they may not get the money back that Saddam owes them (for
legal and illegal, as sanctioned by the UN, contracts). Bankruptcy
and and illegality will render the contracts null and void, and the
US will probably allow that to happen.
France has no case for raising tariffs on the United States.
(Besides US farm subsidies and tariffs). France has no case for a
trade embargo on the United States. France has no case for war on
the United States. France has no case for leaving their alliance
with the United States. In diplomacy, if you don't have a
case/reason for your actions, your reputation and relations with
other countries will be damaged.
Along with no case to respond to anything with any move, France has
no military leverage over the United States.
France is in a Lose-Win situation: Reactionary diplomacy that hurts
their prestige and power in the international theater, or the
choice to stay loyal to the United States and reap the
benefits.
France will probably seek diplomatic victory through consoldiating
the power of the EU. Questions still remain: 1) How will EU prowess
help France 2) Will France, not Germany or a bloc of European
allies, reap the the benefits of an empowered EU?
Andrew,
What evidence is that France is involved? Involved in what
specifically? Embassies fled from where? Iraq? Yes, because there
was a war going on. The UN also fled; that must mean they were
supplying Iraq's regime with WMDs!!! I swear the anti-France
conspiracy theories strike as similar to those concerning global
warming - its a near religious belief, which eschews reality.
And to be totally frank, the U.S. would use any information it had
on France of this sort to attack France in foreign affairs; I have
no doubt that the Rumsfeld cabal has searched diligently for some
"dirt." They found none, of course, but if it did exist (which it
doesn't), they would use it instantly.
French nationals killed in Iraq - http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3372465.stm
incidentally, "Nizar Najoef" is the correct (dutch) phonetic spelling of Nayyouf's name.
R.C. Dean,
"After all, France only sells nuclear reactors and WMD equipment
and supplies to psychotic regimes when there is a profit in it.
There is no comparable profit in smuggling WMD to Syria, I am sure,
so I have little doubt that France's hands are clean."
Yes, France only sells GENERAL ELECTRIC reactors, with American
government approval (three American administrations actually), to
Iraq. :)
I think that there is at least one reason to doubt this brave
man's story even if he believes it himself.
Agents in Syrian intelligence would stand to lose in the event of
the dissolution of the Baathist thugs. This could be the
machinations of enemies the regime.
Also; what in the Hell kind of monsters do these things to a Human
Being? If the Syrian state savages receive any money from US
taxpayers it's a shame. I realize that other regimes in the
Mid-East, including Israel, engage in torture but the Syrian
government is one of the worst. http://www.amnesty.org/ Remember
when our idiot government sent a Canadian citizen born in Syria
back there, and the poor man was tortured by these animals?
Dan,
"France helped build the Osirak reactor for Hussein *after* he
bragged that the war against Israel could continue as soon as an
Moslem state had nukes. So there's no doubt that France is pro-WMD,
where Iraq is concerned. The only question is: was France willing
to risk being pro-Iraq-WMD even after the international community
cracked down on Iraq's WMD programs?"
That's a fucking lie. The fact is that it was General Electric
plant, with GE technology, and that the U.S. government approved
its construction. Americans always forget this little fact; or
rather, they ignore it. The fact is, if France was somehow
complicit in giving Iraq a WMD via Osirik, then the U.S. is too.
The GE technology could not have been used without American export
control approval.
BTW, in 1983, the Iraqi government bragged to the American
government, or rather Donald Rumsfeld, that by attacking Iran it
was protecting Israel.
"...I feel there's considerable evidence that this is the
case.."
Well, show it to us then. This is always the problem with you
conspiracy nutjobs; you say you have plenty of evidence, then when
it comes time to actually show it, well, there is nothing to
show.
"France had the means and the opportunity, but whether it had the
motive remains to be seen."
What means and oppurtunity? And it is not even proven that these
WMDs in Syria even exist.
Rick Barton,
There is no worse state on the planet than China regarding human
rights. Lib�rez les tib�tains!
J.B.,
When the hell have I said that the U.S. and France are ready for
war? Are you just lieing for effect?
"However, the difference between U.S. support of Iraq and French
support of Iraq is that the U.S. was not continuing to ship Iraq
throughout the 1990s illicit materials banned by U.N. sanctions,
while France continued to do so."
Prove it. Show me the evidence of this. Again, another conspiracy
nutjob makes a claim, and outrageous one, and then fails to back it
up. Apparently rumour and innuendo are what pass as "facts" for
some people.
And again, the U.S. government supported the building of the Osirik
nuclear facility; if France's involvement is so brutal, horrifying,
etc., then so America's is as well.
"Indeed, France may have implicitly conceded its mistake of so
quickly announcing that it would never support intervention in
Iraq..."
I've had to repeat this several times, but I shall do it again -
Chirac never said that France would never support military
intervention. He did say France would not support such under the
then current circumstances. The blantatly dishonest reporting of
Chirac's statement I think is a demonstration of what I wrote above
about how frankly bigoted some elements of the U.S. are.
"Following the implementation of the 35-hour work week,
unemployment has skyrocketed into the double digits in
France."
While I do not support the 35-hour week, this is factually
incorrect; since its inception, we have not had double-digit
unemployment (indeed, before its inception double-digit
unemployment was common). The change in the employment level was
more a kin to the economic boom in the late 1990s in France than
the work week law. However, the fact is that we've not had
double-digit unemployment since the mid 1990s.
J.B.,
BTW, where did you rip that article off from? You should give the
person who wrote it their proper notice.
Would anybody here support an invasion of France?
I wouldn't, but after reading this story I have the discomforting
feeling that some people here would.
... he was finally released in 2001 following a plea from
the Vatican.
I'm not a Catholic or a believer of any kind but I give huge Kudos
to Pope John Paul II !
http://www.antiwar.com/justin/j122903.html
Jean Bart,
Right; I've got a bumper sticker on one of my cars that says "Free
Tibet". Although, I don't want anyone who reads it to think that I
want our government to invade.
I think that US tax dollars go to China, at least via the World
Bank and the IMF. This is really horrible in view of China's record
of abuse.
Jean Bart-
I was mistaken when I said it was in the story. In fact it was in
one of the comments: A suggestion that France may have helped move
the WMD to Syria.
Now, I don't believe that, but some people are so hawkish I could
see them supporting an invasion of France.
Rick Barton,
Well, one way they go is via trade promotion; the U.S. Commerce
Department subsidizes U.S. product advertizing in China for example
(France, and most other countries, do the same thing).
thoreau,
I see. There is a certain segment of the U.S. population that has
gone insane over France; and will tend to believe anything remotely
conspiratorial that paints France in a bad light. I've met this
element repeatedly on the blog known as the "Command Post";
eventually I had to stop visiting the site because their delusions
became so frustrating to deal with.
I have never written that France is a flawless country; but the
notion that France would help Syria hide WMDs smuggled out of Iraq
is ludicrous on its face, and would require more than mere rumour
to justify as a believeable story.
Jean Bart,
Yet another reason to abolish the Department of Commerce. This
would allow people to make their own ethical decisions concerning
these matters.
Jean Bart,
Yet another reason to abolish the Department of Commerce. This
would allow people to make their own ethical decisions concerning
these matters.
It appears that the real concern is Pakistan:
"Pakistan was the source of the centrifuge design technology that
made it possible for Libya to make major strides in the last two
years in enriching uranium for use in nuclear weapons, Bush
administration officials in Washington and other Western experts
say."
"The timing of the transfer of the centrifuge design from Pakistan
calls into question Musharraf's ability to make good on his vow to
President George W. Bush that he would rein in Pakistani scientists
selling their nuclear expertise around the globe."
http://www.iht.com/articles/123958.html
dear sir
have a nice day
we want import producing kamradin and figs too , wight 500 gr. (
and if you have raisin too)
we need best price list ( CIF ) egypt , some information for us ,
how many pcs. carton , many thanks for your cooperation and
understanding
yours
alaa
heikalco@yahoo.co.uk
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