"I won’t go to jail."
Bob Schulz announces this in late January to a rapt crowd of
200 gathered in an auditorium in Crystal City, Virginia. It’s the
first national conference of the We The People Foundation for
Constitutional Education, a nonprofit advocacy group Schulz founded
and runs.
He delivers his declaration not with reckless bravado but with
a dignified, quiet, middle-management-lifer assurance, in keeping
with his general mien. Schulz is a serious white male in a nice
conservative dark suit, a former environmental engineer for both
General Electric and the Environmental Protection Agency.
He’s been married for 38 years to the same woman, and he has
four children of whom he is quite proud. Yet when his kids begged
him to reconsider the path that requires him to declare publicly
that he won’t go to jail, his wife Judy told them, "Your father put
his country before his family, and I support him."
Schulz has stopped paying federal income tax, and he isn’t
afraid to let anyone, including the Internal Revenue Service (IRS),
know it. Not only is he not paying, but he’s also leading a
national movement telling everyone else they shouldn’t pay
either.
When I talk to him after the conference, he doesn’t seem quite
so confident he won’t go to jail. But he doesn’t seem to care one
way or the other. "Clearly [the government is] going to react," he
says. "They may well sooner or later come at me in one way or
another. You hear people say, ‘Bob, they’re going to take you out.
Dozens of armed agents will come turn your life upside down.’ You
hear all these things. I have to say I have no fears. I fear God
and God alone."
Americans have been protesting and avoiding taxes since before
the U.S. officially existed. We are a nation born of tax protests.
This tradition feeds the attitude that unites the serious, almost
obsessed crowd here: the belief that they are the true
patriots,staunch constitutionalists fiercely dedicated to the
ideals that make America great. A radical transvaluation of values
is going on right here in Crystal City. Far from being the very
foundation of solid citizenry, acceding to the federal personal
income tax is, among this crowd, an act of treason against what
defines America: its Constitution and its "true laws."
Schulz’s We The People Foundation is transforming the often
subterranean struggle to deny the legitimacy of the income tax. For
decades this movement has been an inchoate collection of small
congregations following varied gurus. Schulz and his crew, by
contrast, offer a unified church with a canon of Right Arguments.
The anti-income tax movement now has, through Schulz, a united,
highly activist national membership organization claiming around
5,000 dues-paying members, a mailing list of 64,000, and local
coordinators in 39 states and 600 counties.
While in the past evangelists of the "income tax is a fraud"
message have tended to sell books and seminars, the We The People
Foundation has the advantage of being hard to blithely condemn as a
scam. It is not a business selling advice but a nonprofit dedicated
to spending money -- more than $1 million since taking up this
fight -- to spread the word. Its founder claims Gandhi as his
influence: From him Schulz learned that to fight an unjust tyranny,
you need a proactive, nonviolent mass movement, and that is what he
is trying to create.
The movement against the income tax has lately adopted one of
the tropes that define an on-the-rise minority in modern America:
Its members want to be called what they call themselves -- the "tax
honesty" movement -- and not be slapped with the pejoratives that
most people have known them by (if aware of them at all).
At the politest, their nemesis the IRS calls them "tax
protesters." (Less politely, they’ve been known as "income tax
cranks.") A woman who runs a small business making and selling
display boards in Massachusetts, who claims to have not paid
personal income tax for a few years now with no practical
repercussions, tells me that "when people say ‘tax protester
movement,’ it drives me nuts. I do not protest taxes. I think they
are absolutely necessary. I protest illegal confiscation of assets,
which is what the income tax is." She has no problem, she assures
me, with sales taxes, property taxes, or corporate taxes.
The partisans of the tax honesty movement go beyond
complaining that the income tax is too high, or that out-of-control
IRS agents enforce it in thuggish ways. They claim, for a
dizzyingly complicated variety of reasons, that there is no legal
obligation to pay it. The continued life -- and even flourishing --
of that notion, in the face of obloquy, fines, and jail sentences,
says something fascinating about a peculiarly American spirit of
defiance. It may even say something encouraging about what it means
to live in a nation of laws, not of men.
"I Used to Be Normal, But..."
Bob Schulz has a long history of fighting the government in
the name of constitutionally limited powers and proper procedure.
His battles date back to 1979, when he successfully sued to halt a
new sewage treatment system near Lake George in New York.
(According to Schulz, the proposal ignored environmental impact
requirements.) Since then he’s been involved in more than 100 such
lawsuits and won many.
All that is small beer compared to his latest crusade. Since
1999 Schulz has presented his contentions regarding the income
tax’s illegality to the IRS, the president, the Department of
Justice (DOJ), and every member of Congress. He has humbly
beseeched them to answer a list of questions regarding whether he,
or any American citizen, has an actual constitutional, statutory,
legal obligation to pay the federal income tax.
He’s led marches around IRS headquarters in D.C., and he went
on a brief hunger strike in 2001. In July of that year his
persistence prompted representatives of the IRS and DOJ to promise
to show up at a public meeting Schulz was organizing. They promised
to lay forth their official arguments as to why we do indeed have a
legal obligation to pay income tax. That meeting was
scheduled for September 25-26, 2001. The 9/11 attacks made Schulz
reschedule, and the feds owed out of appearing at the rescheduled
event. Schulz feels he has pursued every proper step to find an
answer to his questions. Now, he says, it’s time to fight.
When The New York Times asked IRS spokesman
Terry Lemons why the Schulz petition was being ignored, Lemons
"said that courts had upheld the validity of the tax laws and that
the agency did not want to waste time and resources dealing with
well-settled issues. Mr. Lemons added that the recent spate of
enforcement actions taken by the IRS against promoters of abusive
tax schemes...show other ways that government is answering the
petition."
Not the answer the movement wants, obviously. But it’s one
they should have expected. Never has any court anywhere -- much
less the IRS -- accepted as valid any of the many arguments the
movement offers for how and why there is no legal obligation for
individuals to pay federal income tax. In fact, courts will fine
you up to $25,000 for even raising them, insisting such arguments
have been rejected so often by so many courts at so many levels
that they are patently frivolous and time-wasting.
Despite this, the dominant vibe at this conference, even among
those whose pursuit of these curious doctrines has led them to
conflicts with government or employers, is hopeful in a religious
sense. They clasp valiantly to belief in their own righteousness
and the certainty that through that righteousness they one day will
be delivered.
I eavesdrop on one smiling lady with a shock of short white
hair telling a fellow attendee of her long fight over garnishment
of her wages from a tax lien. It sounds like plenty of trouble came
her way, and in the end the courts were taking her money anyway.
But she was still cheerful, evincing no regret for the path she’d
taken. Wrapping up her tale, she confided, with a smile and an only
slightly wistful sigh, "I used to be normal, but...."
No one at the conference -- from the man who tries to pay for
his Au Bon Pain lunch with a privately minted silver coin to the
airline employee whose union is getting tired of his fights over
tax withholding -- strikes me as merely fumbling for some scam to
avoid paying taxes. Their concerns are higher than that. The
Constitution and a properly limited government are their guiding
lights. Indeed, the conference isn’t only about the income tax:
Panels about the Second Amendment, jury nullification, and the
questionable pedigree of the Federal Reserve are also offered, and
also well attended. Mel Gibson’s controversial father, Hutton
Gibson, gives a rousing speech on the need to fight the New World
Order to defend our traditional liberties and is cheered heartily.
Most everyone here seems aware there’s a good chance they will pay
a price far higher than the mere cash of taxes for pursuing the
movement’s difficult truth. When a speaker announces that his
listeners need to be prepared to go to jail, almost all clap.
In one question-and-answer session, a woman airs her concerns
about all the practical difficulties that accompany the tax honesty
path. How, for example, can one get a mortgage loan without tax
returns to show’ She seems to be begging for some loophole in the
loopholes -- some reason she doesn’t have to refrain from
paying income taxes. But the crowd and Schulz are pitiless. After
she offers up too many what-ifs and how-do-yous, Schulz
acknowledges that this path of truth might not be for everyone --
only, by implication, for the bravest and staunchest of
patriots.
Reality does, however, toss the tax honesty movement the
occasional sweet crumb of hope. A couple of the crumbs that
materialized in the last year seemed substantial and nourishing at
first nibble.
Most significantly, a tax honesty true believer named Vernice
Kuglin, a vivacious and attractive Federal Express pilot who has a
crowd of admirers following her everywhere during the conference,
was slammed with criminal charges for failure to file and for tax
evasion. She beat the rap in August, acquitted of all charges by a
federal jury in Memphis.
Also last year, Texas plastics manufacturer Dick Simkanin was
finally brought to trial for failure to withhold income taxes for
his dozens of employees. Simkanin had been a poster child in We The
People-sponsored ads in USA Today, featured as a
businessman who honestly believes it is his right under law not to
withhold. Two grand juries who had gotten to speak to Simkanin
failed even to indict him. Finally a third grand jury, whom he
didn’t get to speak to, did indict. But at the end of his first
trial in November, the jurors could not reach a verdict.
Both these events occasioned great rejoicing in the tax
honesty community. But both had grimmer denouements. Kuglin stayed
out of jail, but she was slapped with civil liens for past taxes
due and penalties. These days she’s only collecting around $290 per
pay period from her FedEx job, with the rest snatched by the IRS.
Simkanin was promptly retried and found guilty in January, and he
now faces a potential 129 years in prison.
How the Simkanin case played out should give the tax honesty
movement pause. Judge John McBryde was not entirely fair to his
client, says Simkanin’s lawyer, Arch McColl, who spoke at the
conference. Schulz and other movement heroes testified on
Simkanin’s behalf in vain. McBryde prevented McColl from mounting a
real defense, the attorney complains, sustaining the prosecutors’
objections almost every time he tried to raise tax honesty
arguments.
The jury sent back a question to the judge asking to see the
codes that directly stated Simkanin was required to withhold. (Some
of the defendant’s ideas clearly had gotten through.) The judge
told them
simply to trust him when he said the law required Simkanin to
withhold -- essentially directing the verdict, since Simkanin never
denied not withholding. (McColl has strong expectations that this
response, among other things, will help guarantee a successful
appeal.)
Other aspects of how the system treated Simkanin should
further discourage tax rebels. Despite being a 59-year-old
heretofore-respectable small-business owner not yet convicted of
anything, he has been in jail since June. (A federal plant claimed
via hearsay, denied in court testimony by someone who was present
when the comment was allegedly made, that Simkanin had threatened
to kill some judges. The prosecutors sure knew their audience.)
During the trial Simkanin was dragged into court in leg irons. The
IRS doesn’t resort to criminal prosecution very often, so when it
does, it wants to make a vivid example.
It’s Magic, You Know: Never Believe It’s Not
So
The We The People conference brought together many of the
movement’s leading lights. It also presents some new strategies.
Schulz, with the help of superstar radical lawyer Mark Lane, is in
the process of launching a class action lawsuit to call the
government’s cheating hand on this whole income tax matter.
Lane has a mysterious tendency to be wherever the quirky
action is in American politics and law. He’s famous for being one
of the first Warren Commission revisionists with his 1966 book
Rush to Judgment and for being the lawyer for People’s
Temple death cultist Jim Jones. He has successfully defended some
tax honesty clients, though he tells me: "I pay taxes and never
advise any client not to. But I can tell you, I’ve read all these
cases, and I don’t see where it says you have to pay, and I don’t
understand why the government doesn’t answer [Schulz’s]
questions."
The planned suit relies on interestingly fresh grounds: Schulz
is claiming that all these government officials who refuse to
answer his questions about the income tax are violating his First
Amendment right to petition the government for a redress of
grievances. Surely, after all, that right must include the ability
not merely to send in such petitions but to get some sort of
reasonable response.
Schulz recruits plaintiffs at the conference for another
planned class action, this one against employers who have refused
to stop withholding income tax from their paychecks when employees
request it. This is illegal according to Schulz’s reading of U.S.
Code Title 26, Subtitle C, Chapter 24, Section 3402(n), which does
indeed seem to indicate, to quote that section, that
"notwithstanding any other provision of this section, an employer
shall not be required to deduct and withhold any tax under this
chapter upon a payment of wages to an employee if there is in
effect with respect to such payments a withholding exemption
certificate...furnished to the employer by the employee certifying
that the employee -- (1) incurred no liability for income tax
imposed under subtitle A for his preceding taxable year, and (2)
anticipates that he will incur no liability for income tax imposed
under subtitle I for his current taxable year."
This is an option on every W4 form. Schulz maintains that the
language of the law clearly implies the employer can’t get in
trouble with the IRS for not withholding as long as the employee
thus certifies. As a matter of fact, if not law, the IRS will
regularly question such W4s (or ones that claim "too many"
exemptions) and lean on employers to start deducting as if a
straight one-exemption W4 has been filed. Schulz thinks any
employer doing that -- and some do so even without the IRS’s
prodding -- should be sued, and he intends to do so in the
spring.
To his mind, and those of the 200 gathered at the conference,
they are doing everything an American citizen needs to do when
faced with injustice: using every legal, reasonable means to seek a
redress. The Constitution will not defend itself, Schulz tells me;
it is just a piece of paper. Keeping it healthy requires bold
action, often expensive and time-consuming action, from those who
love it.
After Lane gives his presentation about the redress of
grievances suit, with its announcement that parties to the suit
intend to withhold their cooperation with the income tax until the
questions are answered, a sour-voiced, heavy-set woman toward the
back is appalled. No one owes the tax, she exclaims, so
what kind of weapon is that to hold over the government’s head,
withholding something that wasn’t even due in the first
place’
In his role as general MC for the conference, Schulz is
clearly wearied by the obsessions of some of his audience members
-- for example, the notion that hiring an attorney means abandoning
personal sovereignty before the law, or that having a
yellow-fringed flag in a room means you are under martial law. But
he is generally polite about it, if in a pained way. He tries to
explain to the woman that lots of people are paying, and
that they were seeking to enjoin the IRS from enforcing any tax
liabilities on them until the petition is answered.
Sessions at the three-day conference often run late -- through
lunch and into the evening, past the announced closing time -- and
the crowds stay through it all. I meet computer industry workers,
violin makers, and even ex-IRS agents, from all across the country;
they are overwhelmingly white, about two-thirds male, and mostly
between 30 and 60 years old. Their comportment and appearance are
not kooky by any means. They dress in business casual mostly,
evincing no untoward whooping or mania or anger. Gauging audience
reaction to certain statements from the podium, I’d say the
majority of them are serious Christians. They are serious people in
general: rebels without cool, with no sense of humor or irony,
armed merely with the conviction that they are right.
Their devotion to their beliefs is certainly religious.
Indeed, tax litigation consultant Daniel Pilla, author of The
IRS Problem Solver, says they’re "like programmed cult members
-- you can’t reason with them." More charitably, the tax honesty
people are staunch exemplars of America’s glorious Protestant
heritage.
This observation is not merely a pun on their status as "tax
protesters." Their attitude toward the Constitution and the
statutes and legal decisions regarding the income tax are uniquely
Protestant, relying on a layman’s ability -- indeed, obligation --
to read and study and parse the original documents himself, to come
to his own personal relationship with the law and the cases, and to
prefer his understanding to that of the priesthood of lawyers,
judges, and accountants.
"Case law" -- the kind that proves that you can and will be
arrested or fined for not filing or paying income tax -- means
nothing to them; they like to rely strictly on the statutes as
written, or on Supreme Court cases and straight constitutional
interpretation. Irwin Schiff, the godfather of the movement, is
insistent that you shouldn’t just take his word for anything: You
should check the statutes. He is, he declares, the biggest reseller
of the published version of the U.S. tax code. He sells specially
tabbed copies leading you straight to the pages in the
multithousand-page behemoth you must see to understand his own
interpretations.
Not merely Protestant, the tax honesty people are strangely
reminiscent of fandom -- of the comic book, fantasy,
science fiction, role-playing-game variety. They have the same
obsession with continuity and coherence within a created fantasy
world of words. It’s just that, in this case, that world of words
isn’t a multivolume fantasy epic or a long-running TV series --
it’s U.S. law. When these people try to reconcile the definition of
income in this subsection of Title 26 of the U.S. Code
with the definition in a 1918 Supreme Court case, it’s like hearing
an argument over the inconsistencies between a supervillain’s
origin as first presented in a 1965 issue of The Amazing
Spider-Man and the explanation given in a 1981 edition of
Peter Parker, the Spectacular Spider-Man.
The tax honesty movement’s vision of the world is fantastical
in another way. It is not merely obsessed with continuity; it is
magical in a traditional sense. It’s devoted to the belief that the
secret forces of the universe can be bound by verbal formulas if
delivered with the proper ritual. There are numerous formulae in
the tax honesty spellbook, with rival mages defending them. Which
spell is best: The summoning of the Sovereign Citizen’ The
incantation of the Constitutional Definition of Income’ The
banishing spell of No Proper Delegation’
The tax honesty folks similarly believe that their foe the IRS
must also be bound by these grimoires of magic: that without the
properly sanctified OMB number an IRS form holds no power, that
without uttering the mystic word liable no authority to
tax can truly exist.
And always, always, the ultimate incantation, The Question:
Where does it say that I owe income taxes’ Show me the
law!
"There Is Hereby Imposed on the Taxable Income
of..."
You hear this all the time. When presented with the simple
request to "show me the law that unambiguously requires me to pay
income tax," I was told, everyone from congressmen to tax lawyers
to IRS agents is stymied, even when Schiff and others offer
enormous rewards to anyone who can do so. It didn’t take me long to
find what seemed to be an answer to that question.
In U.S. Code Title 26, Subtitle A, Chapter 1, Subchapter A,
Part I, Section 1, it says, "There is hereby imposed on the taxable
income of...," followed by subcategories that seem to include most
Americans, complete with tables showing the percentage owed for
each income range. (Subchapter A even comes close to that magic
word liable that many in the movement insist is nowhere
applied to personal income taxes -- it’s called "Determination of
Tax Liability.") But "taxable income" is the rub. Tax honesty types
claim the "constitutional" definition of income, as set
forth in such Supreme Court cases as Doyle v. Mitchell
Brothers (1918), is corporate profits, not
individuals’ wages. (Courts have knocked down this claim regularly
during the last 30 years.)
The movement has an argument against the income tax for every
level of abstraction, from the highest (taxing the fruits of our
labor is against our natural rights as sovereign individuals) to
the lowest (the IRS can’t manage to get everyone, so it is
reasonably safe just not to file). One California paralegal who
speaks at the We The People conference relies on everything from
the Magna Carta to the Treaty of Paris of 1765 to the U.N.
Declaration of Human Rights to defend her contention that she
doesn’t owe any income tax. Massed together, the chorus of tax
honesty voices can’t help but remind you of the lawyer in the old
joke who argued that his client was not even in town when the
victim was killed; and if he was in town, he didn’t kill him; and
if he did kill him, he was insane when he did it.
At the conference you learn that taxing violates our natural
rights; and anyway, the Constitution does not permit an
unapportioned direct tax like an income tax; and if you think the
16th Amendment took care of that, well, it wasn’t properly
ratified; and even if it was, it didn’t give any new taxing powers
to Congress; and even if it did, the statutes and codes of the IRS
as written aren’t officially U.S. law; and even if they were, they
don’t define liability and income such that any normal working
American owes taxes; and anyway, if you just don’t file they might
never catch you. And there are plenty of complications on every
step of this tangled path. (The claim that the 16th Amendment
wasn’t properly ratified actually holds up pretty well. To judge
from the pathbreaking research of Bill Benson -- a marvelous
example of legal Protestantism -- there were enough procedural
irregularities in its passage that it technically should not have
been declared ratified in 1913. Still, it was thus
certified, and the courts tend to respond to Bensonite arguments by
saying it’s too late to do anything about it now, and it isn’t the
court’s problem.)
This doesn’t mean anything goes in stabbing at the income tax.
There are fringe beliefs even on this fringe. Larry Becraft is a
lawyer who has actually won a handful of acquittals -- including
one for Vernice Kuglin -- in defending people on trial for tax
evasion. He gives a talk that is basically a warning to the
movement to get its act straight and stop being absurd. Among the
beliefs even others in the movement condemn as silly are the
notions that by using a ZIP code or allowing a government document
to spell your name in all capital letters, you surrender your
sovereignty and make yourself a serf of the federal government, and
that the income tax applies only to people who live in a federal
territory or district, not to residents of the states.
"Here I Am, IRS, and I Don’t Believe in You!"
Far from that sort of futile reliance on concepts of personal
sovereignty that U.S. law just does not recognize, I encounter a
remarkably frank and refreshing approach from Peymon Mottahedeh and
his Freedom Law School. (Technically, he tells me, the school is a
function of a church he runs.) Peymon has a table set up at the We
The People conference seeking customers ("students," he prefers to
call them) for the "tax defense funds" he sells (both "simple" and
"royal" packages).
Peymon and his crew do believe the basic catechism of the
movement: that one technically does not have a legal obligation to
pay the individual income tax. They also know these arguments never
succeed in court. When we meet later at his U.S. Code-lined office,
attached to his home on the rural outskirts east of Los Angeles, he
tells me he’s never seen much value in waving your hands in the air
tauntingly and bellowing, "Here I am, IRS, and I don’t believe in
you!"
Thus Peymon advocates simply not filing and relying
on the luck of the draw. Peymon claims more than 60 million
Americans a year don’t file. (There is no official number for this,
though some more recent estimates from the government have it that
only around 10 million people a year who are supposed to be filing
aren’t. The IRS admits that in the last three years fewer than 230
nonfilers a year have been convicted.)
The next step is to ignore the threatening letters and audit
re--quests you receive until you get an official Notice of
Deficiency from the IRS. Then you go to Tax Court and stonewall
like crazy, making the IRS prove you owe them something without the
aid of the "tax confession form," as Peymon calls the 1040. (This
all works better for you if you are self-employed and the IRS
hasn’t already gotten its hands on your money through
withholding.)
Peymon is a natural-born salesman, a handsome Iranian man with
thick black hair swept back. He says he doesn’t really fear
retaliation from the IRS since, after escaping from the Shah’s
Iran, he feels he’s living a second life now anyway. "If we lose
our freedom here, where else are we going to go’" he asks. Since
he’s been selling this advice for only a couple of years, and tax
court proceedings often stretch out that long, he says he doesn’t
have solid stats on how well this approach is doing, and he shies
from announcing his number of customers -- wouldn’t the IRS love to
know’ But he thinks his approach is the smartest one the movement
has come up with. The IRS is a big bully; the smartest thing to do
is stay out of the bully’s way and not call attention to
yourself.
It’s too late for that for the movement’s biggest star, Irwin
Schiff. At the We The People conference I witness a young fellow
enthusiastically shake the hand of this compact 75-year-old man
with a broad and squeaky voice and call him his hero; Schiff takes
it in stride. He is the man, the granddaddy, in many ways the
Founding Father of the modern tax honesty movement. Some of his
signature ideas were floated by earlier figures, including Pete
Soehnlen and Robert Golden, but he became the first mass phenomenon
of tax honesty with his 1982 book How Anyone Can Stop Paying
Income Taxes, originally self-published and later distributed
by Simon & Schuster. He says he’s sold nearly half a million
copies of his various books. Schiff used to sell tax shelters, and
he first came to prominence in anti-statist circles with a 1976
Arlington House hit called The Biggest Con -- which,
despite the title, is a standard right-wing peroration against
taxing, spending, and Social Security and does not take a radical
anti-income tax stance.
Even though he tells us anyone can stop paying income taxes,
Schiff has spent a few years in prison as a result of criminal
prosecutions on various charges stemming from his own failure to
pay taxes. He has been out of jail since the early ‘90s and has
avoided "failure to file" convictions since then by filing an
innovation he popularized, the "zero return." That means you file a
1040 but claim to have had no taxable income -- which by Schiff’s
reading of the tax code and various Supreme Court cases, he does
not (and neither do you).
His latest book-length disquisition on these matters, The
Federal Mafia, is a work of baroque complexity. Yet when
Schiff hears I’m a reporter writing about the movement, he says the
truth about taxes is easy to grasp. "It’s so simple, it’s
ridiculous," he tells me.
Sometimes Schiff’s arguments are not really about the law,
just an appeal to a basic sense of fairness. For example, how can a
country with a Fifth Amendment require us to file and sign 1040s
under penalty of perjury when the information on them can be used
against us in civil and criminal prosecutions’
Mostly, though, his shtick is based on various sorts of word
magic. While some sections of the excise tax code specifically list
the circumstances under which one becomes liable for them,
for example, there appears to be no such section for the income
tax. Therefore, Schiff argues, no one is actually liable
for it -- even though, as detailed above, the tax is "imposed."
Similarly, he posits a terribly significant distinction between a
"notice of levy" and a "levy."
I get hit with a hilarious application of Schiff’s verbal judo
as he attempts to convince me and another apparently confused
attendee that "compensation for services" could not mean the same
thing as "wages" for tax liability purposes. (This all fits in with
his argument that only corporate profits should be considered
"income.") He shows us a place in the code that seems to define
"compensation for services" as taxable while not mentioning
"wages." The other guy objects that surely a wage falls into the
category of a "compensation for services."
"It’s not the same!" barks Schiff, the Socrates of the tax
code. "And I’ll prove it to you: Can a corporation receive
compensation for services’"
His interlocutor admits that yes, wise Schiff, it cannot be
denied this is indeed so.
"Can a corporation receive wages’"
The guy pauses a moment, then grants that this proposition
seems doubtful.
"See!" Schiff is pleased. "They’re not the same!"
It all seems so sensible with the energetic Schiff yapping at
you. Of course, to say that something falls into a category is not
the same as saying it is identical to the category. Schiff’s
argument is ultimately as convincing as saying that if an ap-ple is
a fruit, and an apple is not an orange, then an orange can’t be a
fruit. Still, he seems happy with it.
How, one might ask (and many have), can Schiff continue to
maintain there is no legal obligation to pay income taxes when he
has spent time in jail for not paying income taxes’ He addresses
this question in the latest edition of The Federal Mafia:
"Unfortunately, some peo-ple who were persuaded by [my books] that
they could legally stop paying income tax (they could) went to
jail. How many, I don’t know. But they and their families paid a
terrible price because of what they learned....I must again warn
you regarding the use of this information. There is no question
that it is all correct. Paying and filing income taxes
are, by law, voluntary. The law...also provides you with a means
for stopping the withholding of that tax, which, by any legitimate
standard, you have a perfect right to do. But, by doing so, you run
the risk of going to jail!"
"Liable, Liable, What Makes Me Liable’"
The reason for that seeming paradox, Schiff says, is simple:
The IRS and the judges it brings cases before are corrupt and don’t
care what the law says. Which is why, since February 2003, Schiff
has had his Las Vegas office raided and records of all his clients
seized; the IRS has moved for judgment on $2.5 million in back
taxes and penalties it claims he owes; and a federal judge has
banned the sale and distribution of The Federal Mafia by
Schiff and forbade him from publicly saying what he believes about
the income tax. (That ban is under appeal now.)
Schiff tells a group of well-wishers this latest wave of
statist oppression swamped him momentarily -- he went into a
depression and lost 20 pounds -- but "I’m back! I’m back! I’m going
to kick their ass!"
He proudly points out that all the back taxes in the $2.5
million judgment are from many years ago and that the IRS has done
nothing to him for his more recent zero return filings.
This proves to him that strategy must be foolproof.
Vernice Kuglin’s acquittal on criminal charges has made her
one of the movement’s new saints and heroes. I witness her taking
aside a man troubled by the mess he’s in because he advocated these
beliefs as an accountant; she tells him kindly but firmly, "We know
in our core that’s what we have to do." She was involved in
Libertarian Party activities in the early ‘90s and through that was
exposed to tax honesty ideas. By 1995 she was sending letters to
the IRS asking what specific section of U.S. code or statutes made
her liable for the federal income tax. Were she legally liable, she
insisted, she would be more than happy to pay.
Despite the liens on her income, Kuglin is optimistic. A juror
in her case, she tells me, had a dream during deliberations in
which he heard Kuglin repeating, "Liable, liable, what makes me
liable’" This was apparently the crack in his mind that convinced
him to lead the jury to acquittal. And then her son had a dream in
which she and her lawyer were standing in front of the courthouse,
and a ball of light spread around them and enveloped the world. She
believes it is all fate, that the universe is taking care of her,
that her victory is the beginning of the end of the whole evil lie
of the income tax, and that "every setback is one more step to the
win" in this battle.
A sober assessment of the empirical evidence shows that the
exact opposite is true -- that victories for the tax honesty
movement (the occasional criminal acquittal or mistrial) lead
inevitably to a later defeat (further convictions or civil
seizures). But that realization doesn’t rely on contemplating the
Constitution, statutes, codes, or rabbinical parsings of word
definitions. Thus, it is not quick to occur to the devotees of tax
honesty.
They move, with heavenly grace, through an existential hell:
In their minds and hearts they are absolutely certain that they are
right, and even doing God’s work. (The contention that the
Constitution was divinely inspired elicits a fair amount of
clapping and no open unrest at the We The People conference.) But
they are also fully aware that all the powers and dominions of the
earth are arrayed against them and regularly torment them.
They believe, in the face of all evidence to the contrary,
that their citizen’s understanding of the written law should, and
in some Platonic sense does, trump the realities of dealing with
the government. This makes them uniquely American rebels -- more
true, they maintain, to the nation’s core values than those of us
who follow the pragmatic advice an accountant once gave to one man
at the conference. When the tax honesty devotee showed him a
Schiff-marked copy of the tax code, the accountant replied: "You
mess with that shit, you are going to jail."
Well, not necessarily to jail. Tax honesty folks
adore the Supreme Court’s 1991 decision Cheek v. U.S.,
which authoritatively ruled that a belief, however objectively
unreasonable, that one was not liable to pay income tax could
negate the element of willfulness necessary to establish criminal
culpability for income tax crimes. In this area, in essence,
ignorance of the law is an excuse. But as Daniel Pilla
puts it, Cheek "might keep you out of jail, but it won’t
mean you don’t owe the tax."
Still, the tax honesty folks believe, to their core, that a
written Constitution and written laws truly can restrain the
unbridled force of government. They push a naive Americanism, but
an Americanism nonetheless. They are no more insane, in principle,
then anyone else anywhere who has ever tried to fight city hall,
sue the government, or halt congressional action by relying on,
say, the Commerce Clause.
Their facts are mostly wrong. But whether wrong or not, they
are irrelevant -- and the tax honesty folks know it. Not a one
seems unaware that jail and property confiscation are a likely
result of acting on their ardently held conclusions. But they
refuse to believe it. This makes them foolish, to be sure.
But it doesn’t necessarily mean they aren’t heroic. As one
conference attendee tells me, "I don’t care how many cowards there
are. There’s one less on the planet, and that’s me. Everyone has to
stand up for something in their lifetime."
Site comments/questions:
Media Inquiries and Reprint Permissions:
(310) 367-6109
Editorial & Production Offices:
3415 S. Sepulveda Blvd.
Suite 400
Los Angeles, CA 90034
(310) 391-2245