Developing countries insist that rich countries are obligated to do so because the billions of tons of carbon dioxide they put into the atmosphere during industrialization caused the current climate crisis. And it is undeniable that the prosperity of developed nations over the past two centuries was fueled by burning coal, oil, and natural gas.
At a press briefing on Wednesday, Christian Aid's Senior Climate Change Adviser Mohamed Adow insisted that the negotiations at the 19th Conference of the Parties (COP-19) of the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) result in developed countries agreeing to cut emissions enough to keep mean average temperature under 2 degrees centigrade above the pre-industrial average.
How deep must these cuts be? Very deep, according to the calculations made by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) in its 2013 Emissions Gap Report. The report estimates that, in order to stay on a reasonable emissions pathway that would result in an increase of only 2 degrees centigrade by 2100, world carbon dioxide emissions would have to be reduced to 44 gigatons by 2020. If emissions reduction pledges made during the 2009 Copenhagen conference are met, emissions will rise from 50 gigatons today to 52 to 56 gigatons in 2020, leaving a gap of 8 to 12 gigatons.
In other words, according to UNEP, emissions will be 12 to 24 percent higher than they need to be to meet the goal of keeping the average temperature from rising more than 2 degrees centigrade. To put that in context, the Obama administration has pledged that U.S. emissions will be 17 percent lower than they were in 2005, but the UNEP report suggests that they need to be 29 to 41 percent lower by 2020.
So what happens to future temperatures if the emissions gap is not closed? Niklas Höhne, Director of Energy and Climate Policy at the renewable energy consultancy Ecofys, and Bill Hare, the CEO of the Climate Analytics think tank in Germany, have figured that out in their Climate Action Tracker report. The report adds up all of the commitments by countries to reduce their carbon emissions and then calculates if it is enough to keep future warming below 2 degrees centigrade.
Earlier they had calculated that, if all countries met their emissions commitments made at the Copenhagen climate conference in 2009, the world would likely warm about 3.1 degrees centigrade by 2100. But, at a briefing on Wednesday, the two noted that several rich countries recently had "backtracked" on emissions reduction commitments.
For example, Japan promised in 2009 to cut its emissions 25 percent by 2020. At the Warsaw conference, Japan now says that its emissions in 2020 will in fact be 3 percent higher than they were in 1990. The increase is the result of switching to fossil fuels to generate electricity after the country took its 50 nuclear reactors offline following the Fukushima nuclear plant disaster.
As a signatory of the Kyoto Protocol, Canada had committed to cutting its emissions by 6 percent below their 1990 level. In 2011, when Canada dropped out of the Kyoto Protocol, its emissions were 30 percent higher than in 1990.
The new government in Australia has been especially disparaged at the conference because it is set on repealing the country's unpopular carbon tax. Nevertheless, the Australian government insists that it has a plan that will enable the country to meet its commitment to a 5 percent emissions reduction by 2020. The Climate Action Tracker calculates that Australia will be emitting 12 percent more by 2020. The calculations suggest that the emissions pathway implied by the new reductions increases their estimate of future warming to 3.7 degrees centigrade by 2100.
On Monday, Todd Stern, the U.S. chief climate negotiator, rejected the notion that future greenhouse gas emissions should be allocated based on historical responsibility. Stern pointed to the 2007 modeling and assessment of contributions to climate change (MATCH) study which found that the contributions of greenhouse gases to the atmosphere from the developing countries were nearly equal to those of the developed countries and would, by 2020, exceed the cumulative emissions of developed countries. The new UNEP gap report also notes, "Today developing and developed countries are responsible for roughly equal shares of cumulative greenhouse gas emissions for the period 1850-2010."
When it was noted at a press conference that China is now the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, China's chief climate negotiator Xie Zhenhua responded that it is an "understandable fact" that the emissions of a once-poor country like China must grow as it continues industrializing and urbanizing. Xie was appealing to the environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis which suggests that, as a country's economy develops, pollution first worsens and later improves as its per capita income rises.
He pointed out that U.S. per capita carbon emissions rose to 20 tons until annual per capita incomes exceeded $30,000 and has now fallen to 17.5 tons per capita. Since China's per capita income is just $6,000, Xie asserted, "Our carbon dioxide emissions will also increase. This is an objective fact."
On the other hand, Xie stressed that, unlike when the U.S. was developing, China has committed to policies to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. But, it is worth noting that China is horrendously inefficient, emitting five times more carbon dioxide per unit of GDP than the United States. When pressed by reporters about why China isn't doing more to address global warming, Xie simply stated, "According to the convention (UNFCCC) we are not obligated to do anything."
Xie's position sums up the fundamental conflict between the rich and poor countries at the Warsaw conference. The developed countries will not commit to cutting emissions more and handing over bundles of cash, unless the developing countries commit to doing something about their emissions too. The poor countries think that the rich countries owe them for inflicting the "climate crisis" on them and argue that they must necessarily increase their climate-damaging emissions in order to grow their way out of poverty.
Next: Crunch time approaches. Will the rich countries agree to compensate poor countries for loss and damage from climate change? Will the poor countries agree to do more about climate change than accept money from rich countries? Stay tuned.
The post Who's Responsible for Damaging the Climate? And Who Should Pay for It? appeared first on Reason.com.
]]>The first big item on the Doha agenda was keeping the Kyoto Protocol on some sort of life support. Adopted in 1997, the Kyoto Protocol required 35 rich countries to cut their greenhouse gas emissions by about 5.2 percent below what they emitted in back in 1990. The original Kyoto Protocol would have obliged the U.S. to cut its greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 7 percent below its 1990 levels. However, the U.S. never ratified the treaty and now Canada, Japan, New Zealand, and Russia have pulled out.
At Doha, in what amounts to a mostly symbolic gesture, only the European Union, Australia, Ukraine, Switzerland, and Norway agreed to remain in the treaty that, in any case, covers only 15 percent of the world's GHG emissions. And instead of binding commitments, each country gets to pick its own emissions targets for 2020. The countries that remain in the rump Kyoto Protocol promised to let the U.N. know what their new emissions reduction commitments (if any) will be next year. As noted, a largely symbolic act.
At the Doha climate change conference, the U.S. reiterated the pledge that President Barack Obama made at the Copenhagen climate change conference in 2009 to cut U.S. greenhouse emissions by 2020 to 17 percent below their 2005 levels. According to the Environmental Protection Agency, net U.S. GHG emissions amounted to 6,118 gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent that year. This means that the Obama administration's goal is to reduce GHG emissions from the U.S. to below 5,077 gigatons in 2020.
Earlier this year, the Energy Information Administration reported that energy-related emissions of carbon dioxide had fallen to 1,340 gigatons in the first quarter, back to its level in 1992. The drop was the result of switching from coal to less carbon intensive natural gas to produce electricity, as well as a 15 percent drop in highway miles travelled by Americans as a result of the Great Recession.
To get some idea of what this means for the trend in overall GHG emissions, the first quarter emission implies a total of 5,360 gigatons of energy related emissions of carbon dioxide for 2012. The Environmental Protection Agency pegs those carbon dioxide emissions at 5,933 in 2005 along with an additional 174 gigatons of carbon dioxide from other sources for a total of 6,107 gigatons. EPA data shows that the emissions of the other greenhouse gases and the sinks (mostly forests) that remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere essentially balance out at 1,095 and 1,085 gigatons, respectively, in 2005. So adding an additional 10 gigatons yields the EPA's net emissions total of 6,118 for 2005.
Adding 184 gigatons to 5,360 gigatons yields net carbon dioxide equivalent emissions of 5,544 gigatons in 2012. These calculations would suggest that 2012 emissions are already more than 9 percent below their 2005 levels. Conversely, since net GHG emissions were 5,293 gigatons in 1990, this also implies that current emissions are a bit over 4 percent higher than they were then.
At the Doha climate change conference the delegates from 194 countries spent most of their time squabbling over how much money the rich countries purportedly owe to the poor countries in what amounts to climate change reparations. First, the conference endorsed activities that would lead to the creation of a Green Climate Fund. Second, the Doha delegates launched another negotiating process to create an "international mechanism" that aims to address "loss and damage associated with climate change impacts in developing countries that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change." Let's provisionally call that "international mechanism" the Climate Reparations Fund.
Back in 2009 at the collapsing Copenhagen climate change conference, the United States, the European Union, and other rich countries agreed to put $100 billion per year into a Green Climate Fund to help poor countries adapt to climate change by 2020. In Doha, the rich countries agreed again to do that. In addition, the conference decided that the Green Climate Fund will be headquartered in the South Korean city of Sondgo. Poor countries, however, do not want to wait another seven years for climate change compensation, so they also were angling for commitments of $60 billion in climate change aid between now and 2015. At the Doha conference, Britain, Germany, and some other countries vaguely pledged to throw in $6 billion or so.
In addition to the Green Climate Fund, the poor countries want even more money from the rich countries to compensate them for the "loss and damage" caused by climate change. The idea is that the rich countries have loaded up the atmosphere with GHGs that are dangerously warming the atmosphere and provoking all sorts of weather disasters, floods, droughts, hurricanes, storm surges, and so forth. Since the rich countries grew wealthy by destroying the world's weather, they should pay off the poor whom they have harmed. How much? Another $100 billion annually on top of the $100 billion slated for the Green Climate Fund. For comparison, in 2010 development aid from rich countries to poor countries totaled $128 billion.
How to tell if a particular storm or a drought is the result of man-made global warming or would have happened anyway? After all, deadly storms killed hundreds of thousands, floods drowned millions, and tens of millions died in famines caused by drought well before humanity began to boost significantly the level of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. However, NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies researcher James Hansen and his colleagues argued earlier this year in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences that increasing GHG levels have loaded the "climate dice" so that the chances of weather extremes are now much higher now than they were back in the halcyon era between 1951 and 1980. Maybe so.
But if a particular heat wave is, say, a degree warmer than a particular region's average heat wave (whatever that may signify), does that mean that the "loss and damage" attributed to global warming is confined to just that additional one degree above average temperature? And what about the converse case; how might the benefits of extra warming be accounted for? Recent winters in the U.S. have been warmer on average, slashing the home heating bills faced by consumers. Would consumers be obligated to pay the oil, natural gas, and coal companies for beneficent weather and compensate them as well for the loss of business?
One suggestion for avoiding messy case-by-case adjudication of blame for climate disasters would be to empower U.N bureaucrats to allocate billions in reparations based on climate model projections of what the extra climate-related costs each country would suffer. Deciding which model to use in calculating losses and damages will, to say the least, be problematic.
At the end, ideological environmentalists ritually denounced the Doha conference for its "lack of ambition," meaning that the world's governments failed to enact the onerous energy rationing they prefer. For example, Friends of the Earth International spokesperson Asad Rehman said, "The Doha deal is as empty as a desert mirage. Despite the official spin, these talks delivered nothing — no real progress on cutting greenhouse gases and only an insulting gesture at climate finance."
Mirages infamously can mislead people into danger. U.N. climate negotiations are no different. They slowly entangle countries and lead them toward policies that they would not adopt on their own. Consider the case of the $100 billion Green Climate Fund. President Obama proposed it in the hastily cobbled together Copenhagen Accord as a way to avert the public relations embarrassment of a total collapse of the Copenhagen climate change conference in 2009. At the 2010 Cancun climate change conference, the process for setting up the Green Climate Fund was formally adopted, and at the 2011 Durban conference its charter and board of directors were launched. At Doha, it was agreed that it would begin disbursing funds in 2014.
Now the Doha conference has upped the climate change compensation ante by another $100 billion to a total of as much as $200 billion per year after 2020. Development economist William Easterly has argued, "Spending $2.3 trillion (measured in today's dollars) in aid over the past five decades has left the most aid-intensive regions, like Africa, wallowing in continued stagnation; it's fair to say this approach has not been a great success." Given this history of failure it is extremely doubtful that handing out billions in climate change reparations to the kleptocratic governments that hold sway in far too many poor countries would be an effective way to address the problems of climate change.
Creeping U.N. incrementalism can be resisted. When push came to shove, the U.S. did not go along with the carbon rationing schemes dictated by the Kyoto Protocol. But perhaps that outcome would have been different had there been President Al Gore. As long as the U.N. climate change negotiation process continues, the risk remains that it will result in agreements that harm global economic growth while not doing all that much to address the problem of man-made climate change. Next year COP-19 convenes in Warsaw.
The post How U.N. Climate Change Negotiations Threaten Economic Growth appeared first on Reason.com.
]]>Over the weekend, the 18th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change sputtered to its conclusion in Doha, Qatar. The delegates did agree to meet again next year to discuss the adoption of some kind of legally binding agreement to ration carbon by 2015. On the face of it, therefore, nothing much concrete was accomplished in Doha. But in this case, appearances are deceiving. Reason Science Correspondent Ronald Bailey warns that the process itself poses the danger that policymakers will, step-by-inadvertent-step, adopt policies deleterious to the future prosperity of humanity.
The post Ronald Bailey on How U.N. Climate Change Negotiations Threaten Economic Growth appeared first on Reason.com.
]]>With the release of the chief restructuring officer's report, the scandal over the bankrupt solar panel maker Solyndra is being declared over. Kevin Drum says it's a big "nothingburger," pointing to Rep. Darrell Issa's (R-California) concession that there was "perhaps not" any criminal activity. Fortune's Roger Parloff has a pretty thorough post-mortem. Grist's perpetually irate David Roberts says the whole thing was a sideshow.
A few points:
First, you read it here four months ago. After Secretary of Energy Steven Chu's embarrassing-to-all-concerned House testimony – during which the Nobel laureate pled a combination of ignorance, incompetence and bi-partisan support for green pork – I noted that Solyndra's half-billion-dollar scandal had run its course:
I don't really disagree that Solyndra has exhausted a radioactive half-life. (There's more radiation on the sun than there was at Three Mile Island, people!) The fact that there is bi-partisan – or is it transpartisan? – support for this kind of waste should make the story that much more maddening. But within the Republocrat consensus it's considered a mitigating circumstance.
The Republicans' Inspector Clouseau routine with Chu left little hope that we're going to get an aggressive investigation in this era of collegiality. And that's not counting the shameless behavior of Reps. Diana DeGette (D-Colorado) and Henry Waxman (D-California), who began the Solyndra scandal making public-spirited noises but ended up running interference for the president.
I'm still hoping for a Rhambo subpoena. Like Evel Knievel and the Blessed Virgin Mary, I reserve the right to announce my last appearance on earth and then continue making appearances. But Solyndra does seem to be passing into the afterlife with Hillary Clinton's statistically improbable cattle futures gains and Halliburton's no-bid Iraq contracts: mysteries that fade not because they've been solved but because corruption is the fuel of effective politics.
Second, none of this stuff is new. Grist's Roberts, who for reasons of his own attributes the Solyndra scandal to a vast right-wing conspiracy centered in the GOP-controlled halls of Politico, has been trying to wish the scandal away for the better part of a year. He's not the only one. The criminal claims around Solyndra did not originate with the Republicans but with the president's own Departments of Justice, Treasury and Energy. I have said all along that the criminal angle was a dead end, and it had the practical effect of shutting down the most promising material in the congressional probe.
Third, despite those obstacles, the Solyndra probe ended up shedding quite a bit of light. President Obama's cronyism and shaky grasp of even basic 99-cent-store economics are now clear to anybody who is not willfully in denial. Chu has been revealed as a fool. Energy subsidies have been discredited, even if that hasn't quite filtered up to the Energy Department, which is still setting aside multi-billion-dollar subsidies for green energy boondoggles:
Most importantly, the folly of government industrial policy has been subjected to a long and continuing scrub. A company as bad as Solyndra can't be created by mere stupidity. It takes a particular kind of misguided genius and a lot of money from unwilling investors. If the nothingburger sideshow has made that clearer to one or two people, it was worth something, though not half a billion dollars.
The post Solyndra Scandal Pronounced Dead (Again) appeared first on Reason.com.
]]>The other day I appeared on Russia Today to talk about the green lobby and the unwinding of the environmental consensus with Headline News host Kristine Frazao.
Topics we got to in the eight-minute segment:
Why isn't the Keystone pipeline in Pennsylvania?
Is the Green Lobby a special interest?
How many more Solyndras are out there?
Does nuclear power really need subsidies to survive?
How far has the Energy Department (formerly Atomic Energy Commission; please excuse my flubbing of the old name on camera) strayed from its mission when Secretary Steven Chu's energy plan [pdf] spends more than half the budget on Solyndra-style loan guarantees, subsidies for industries that don't need help, and a "science" slush fund that will provide more money for college professors to take sabbaticals? Could somebody with more wit than Chu do a better job of defending the energy package?
How many millisieverts of political radiation are being emitted by the failure of the Obama Administration's green energy programs?
Topics we did not get to in the eight-minute segment:
Why did President Obama ignore the greatest genius on earth when His Fullness expressed concerns about the still-aborning the Solyndra debacle? Were OMB staffers' jokes about Solydra funny ha-ha or funny strange? If Jared Bernstein avoids talking about a problem does it make a sound?
Who's smearin' who in this East Anglian Heartlandian trash-talkin' hill o' beans world? (Actually we seem to have gotten an answer to that one.)
From bringing unemployment back up to 9 percent to explaining why Solyndra was a good investment: Is there anything Tim Geithner can't do?
Was Club For Growth justified in criticizing Rep. Fred Upton (R-Michigan) even though Upton has a smoking hot niece? Does smoking hotness contribute to carbon emissions?
Topics that have come up in the few days since the eight-minute segment:
If 2.7 million imaginary workers lost 2.7 million imaginary green jobs, would the proper environmental response be to give them an imaginary 99 weeks of unemployment?
Why do environmentalists hate kit foxes?
Is Chu going down over new documents that indicate he intervened to make sure industrial real estate giganticorp Prologis got a $1.4 billion loan guarantee for installing Solyndra's fragile, overpriced, inefficient solar panels on its own roofs?
View the whole segment above or go to YouTube.
The post Why Solyndra Hasn't Killed Government's Appetite for Green Pork: Cavanaugh on Russia Today appeared first on Reason.com.
]]>An East Bay synthetic petroleum company that received $25 million from the Department of Energy's controversial loan-guarantee program may be headed for trouble after calling a special investor conference.
Emeryville, California-based Amyris Inc., which describes itself as an "integrated renewable products company…providing sustainable alternatives" using "industrial synthetic biology," has a regularly scheduled earnings conference on February 27. But the company will hold "an investor update regarding its progress and near term goals" this Friday.
It could be good news! The company's most recent report claims $31 million in product sales for the third quarter of 2011 — a 41 percent increase over the previous-year period. But Amyris, which is in the business of "commercializing" (greenspeak for "trying to sell") its No Compromise® line of synthetic petroleum products, has been clobbered in the stock market lately. Following the conference announcement, a Raymond James analyst downgraded the company.
Then again, those analysts hate America. And what bureaucrat's imagination wouldn't be fired by a company that converts plant sugars into hydrocarbon molecules to produce a range of renewable ingredients with potential uses in products from diesel and jet fuel to cosmetics, flavors and fragrances?
But it does raise a few questions: If Solyndra was Bush's fault and Ener1 was China's fault and Beacon Power was Solyndra's fault, will Amyris be the first official victim of the Natural Gas Genocide? Also, does natural gas have an official villain yet? The Emir of Qatar, maybe? And finally: Amyris? Will the cutesy names never stop?
Enjoy [?] the soothing [?] harmonies of William Byrd's "Though Amaryllis Dance in Green"…
The post Synfuel Company With $25 Million Green Loan Calls Emergency Conference appeared first on Reason.com.
]]>The preferred options of the poor countries for funding the Green Climate Fund in the draft negotiating text state that COP-17 "decides that all adaption finance shall be provided in the form of grants and wherever possible, through direct access" and "decides that the main or/major source of funding will be public sources." Poor country politicians are very anxious that the climate change adaptation aid comes directly from the taxpayers of rich countries and is sent directly to their governments' coffers. About the Green Climate Fund, U.S. Climate Envoy Todd Stern said, "I have a fair amount of confidence this is going to get done in a positive way." Frankly, the sad, decades-long record of the failure of trillions of dollars in foreign aid to spur economic development in poor countries does not provide much optimism that developing country governments will handle climate change aid any more effectively.
The other big issue at COP-17 is what is going to happen to the Kyoto Protocol. Poor countries want rich countries to make commitments to further cut their greenhouse gas emissions for another five years. However, Kyoto signatories Russia, Japan, and Canada have declared they will not do so. The European Union says that it will make further emissions cuts under the Kyoto Protocol on the condition that the COP-17 agree to adopt a "roadmap" with the goal of negotiating a new treaty by 2015 that would be legally binding on all countries, especially major emitters like China and the United States. That new treaty would go into force by 2020.
As of late Thursday night, COP-17 negotiators were haggling over various options [PDF] concerning the "roadmap." One option on the table is a multiple choice draft statement which merely notes that the Parties will agree to make "a set of decisions to be adopted at the [18th][19th][21st][X] session of the Conference of Parties." In other words, we agree to decide something or other about climate change and adopt it whenever. A roadmap to nowhere?
Given all of the focus on keeping the Kyoto Protocol alive, let's pay a visit to an alternative universe. In this universe, President Bill Clinton submits the Kyoto Protocol to the U.S. Senate for ratification. And in this world, the U.S. Senate does not vote 95 to 0 that the United States should not sign on to any treaty that that did not include binding targets and timetables for developing as well as industrialized nations because that "would result in serious harm to the economy of the United States." Instead, the U.S. agreed to cut its greenhouse gas emissions by 7 percent below their 1990 levels. As it happens, the U.S. emitted a total of 6.2 billion tons [PDF] of greenhouse gases in 1990. Now, let's also say that the U.S. fails to meet its Kyoto targets. This is not implausible. After all, Kyoto signatories Japan and Canada [PDF] failed to meet their greenhouse gas reduction targets in the real universe.
Under the Protocol, countries that fail to meet their targets by making domestic cuts in emissions can promise to meet their targets in the next five year commitment period or they can buy some sort of offsets to fulfill their treaty obligations. To make it simple, let's assume that the U.S. could buy emissions credits in the European Trading Scheme market. So what might have happened?
In 1990 the U.S. emitted about 6.2 billion tons of greenhouse gases and the goal was to emit 7 percent less than that by 2012. The actual commitment period ran five years from 2008 through 2012. In order to get some idea of how much the U.S. emitted, let's add the actual emissions as reported by 2008 and 2009. The figures for the final three years are not yet available, but in 2010 U.S. emissions of carbon dioxide increased 200 million tons. So let's add that to the 2009 figure and assume that overall greenhouse gas emissions stabilized at that level for the duration.
Over the years the price for European emission credits has swung wildly back and forth, rising as high $44 per ton and falling to near zero. The current price hovers around $7 per ton. Based on the above assumptions and calculations, the U.S. will have emitted more than 5.8 billion tons more than its Kyoto target during the relevant period. Had the U.S. had to buy offsetting credits when the price per credit was $44 per ton that would have added up to an outlay of about $255 billion. At $7 per ton, it would amount of about $40 billion. Of course, had the U.S. been in the carbon market that would likely have pushed the price for emissions credits up substantially.
But what if the U.S. had actually fulfilled its treaty obligations in this alternative universe, what would the costs have been then? Since the U.S. did not join the Kyoto regime most econometric studies were done over a decade ago. For example, Yale University economist William Nordhaus has been modeling the economic effects of climate change policies for a long time. Back in 1998, he and Joseph Boyer calculated that if the U.S. joined the Kyoto Protocol the total global cost of treaty compliance would amount to $716 billion [PDF], of which two-thirds would be paid by the U.S. Nordhaus also estimated that the costs of compliance would outweigh the benefits by a ratio of seven to one. Interestingly, the Swiss bank UBS just issued a report that concluded that the European Union's emissions trading scheme has cost European consumers €210 billion ($283 billion) for "almost zero impact" on cutting CO2 emissions.
Finally, one little bit of drama occurred during U.S. climate envoy Stern's address to the plenary session of the COP-17. According to news reports, Middlebury college student Abigail Borah interrupted Stern's speech declaring, "I am speaking on behalf of the United States of America because my negotiators cannot. The obstructionist Congress has shackled justice and delayed ambition for far too long. I am scared for my future. 2020 is too late to wait. We need an urgent path to a fair ambitious and legally binding treaty." Borah was apparently applauded by many delegates before she was removed from the auditorium by police.
Note: This is the fifth daily dispatch from the U.N. Climate Change Conference in Durban. The conference ends Friday. I will be reporting from the conference until the bitter end.
Ronald Bailey is Reason magazine's science correspondent. His book Liberation Biology: The Scientific and Moral Case for the Biotech Revolution is now available from Prometheus Books.
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