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			<title>Reason Magazine - Staff</title>
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<title>Teenage Wasteland</title>
<link>http://www.reason.com/news/show/29027.html</link>
<description></description>
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<pubDate>Sun, 01 Feb 2004 00:00:00 EST</pubDate><author>choro73851@aol.com (Carl F. Horowitz)</author>
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<title>Atrocity Exhibition</title>
<link>http://www.reason.com/news/show/30628.html</link>
<description> &lt;p&gt;
&lt;a href=&quot;http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0465068359/reasonmagazineA/&quot;&gt;The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II&lt;/a&gt;, by Iris Chang,
New York: Basic Books, 290 pages, $25.00&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;
Ienaga Saburo had been an unusually 	busy man, and not out of choice. In 1965
the Japanese historian sued his government for forcing him to rewrite a portion
of a textbook. The Ministry of Education was incensed over his brief
denunciation of Japanese genocide against at least 300,000 civilians in the
Chinese city of Nanking during December 1937 and January 1938. Just mentioning
this World War II story would have been bad enough.   &lt;p&gt;
Luckily, in 1970 a Tokyo judge ruled in Saburo's favor, saying textbook
screening could not go beyond correction of factual and typographical errors.
Japanese ultranationalists, in retaliation, fired off death threats to the
judge, Saburo, and his attorneys. They also demonstrated outside his house,
screaming slogans and banging pots and pans. &lt;p&gt;
The lawsuit proved to be the snowball that led to the current avalanche of
worldwide outrage over the Rape of Nanking and its long cover-up. It also
inspired a new generation of tenacious researchers, one of whom is Iris Chang,
a 29-year-old Chinese-American author whose grandparents survived the
slaughter. In writing this book, the first full-length, English-language
account, Chang conducted interviews with survivors, reviewed film footage, and
pored through official documents. Her work speaks much not only about genocide
but about how a nation prepares its people to commit and whitewash it.&lt;p&gt;
At least in America we know a lot more than before; in Japan, the dissemination
mills grind more slowly. Not only is Nanking unmentionable, apparently in some
quarters so is America. Early this decade one Japanese high school teacher
expressed surprise that his students did not know their country had been at war
with the United States. The first thing they'd wanted to know was who won.
Whatever &quot;unfortunate&quot; circumstances occurred in Nanking, say official
spokesmen (and still most textbooks), these incidents were isolated, if they
occurred at all.&lt;p&gt;
Chang knows that a successful official truth shield must be unyielding. To
allow a single crack in the foundation of silence risks setting in motion the
collapse of the whole edifice. She terms Japan's silence and disinformation
campaign &quot;the second rape,&quot; which began even while the first was in progress.
One headline of a Japanese-controlled newspaper in Shanghai in January 1938
blared the headline, &quot;The Harmonious Atmosphere of Nanking City Develops
Enjoyably.&quot; The article claimed, &quot;The Imperial Army entered the city, put their
bayonets in their sheath, and stretched forth merciful hands in order to
examine and heal.&quot;&lt;p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;
Once the facts became known, the lying had to assume a different guise; a
conflating of crimes and mistakes. This attitude extends to Japan's academic
community. &quot;How long must we apologize for the mistakes we have made?&quot; one
indignant Japanese professor complained. Tyrants (and their enablers)
everywhere love that kind of talk. Late last year Pol Pot offered the following
explanation for why his Khmer Rouge had turned Cambodia into killing fields:
&quot;We made mistakes. We were young.&quot; So &lt;em&gt;that's&lt;/em&gt; the secret. In that vein,
let us examine a few of the strategic &quot;mistakes&quot; young Japanese troops
committed in Nanking. &lt;p&gt;
On December 13, 1937, victorious soldiers, giving glory to the emperor, poured
into the Chinese capital of Nanking. For the Japanese, it was now open season
on the city's entire population, as they shot countless civilians attempting to
escape. Alleys, dugouts, buildings, streets, ditches--no place was safe for the
Chinese to hide. Soldiers impaled babies on bayonets  and tossed them while
still alive into pots of boiling water. The Rape of Nanking was all too
literally that, as soldiers raped anywhere from 20,000 to 80,000 Chinese women
and girls from all social classes. They forced many into prostitution and
killed them when they no longer could fulfill sexual requirements. An untold
number of women either died from rape-related injuries or committed suicide. At
times, the troops found the going a bit boring. Hence, they devised killing
contests and a variety of torture-deaths, such as live burials, mutilation,
burnings, death by freezing, and &quot;death by dogs&quot; (in which Japanese soldiers
buried Chinese victims up to the waist and set German shepherds upon them).&lt;p&gt;
Lurid beyond belief as such stories seem, the sources are unimpeachable. Chang
has drawn much from detailed accounts by American and European missionaries and
businessmen. We owe much to the Nanking International Safety Zone Committee,
whose missionaries, such as George Fitch, James McCallum, and John Magee,
eloquently chronicled their observations on film as well as in reports and
diaries. At risk to their own lives, they mimeographed or retyped reports so
that friends, relatives, government officials, and the press could receive
copies. Some dispatches found their way into mainstream periodicals, such as
&lt;em&gt;Reader's Digest&lt;/em&gt;. Editors at that magazine, concerned over the
credibility of its initial expos&amp;eacute;, continued to collect letters from
Safety Zone Committee leaders and reprinted them several months later. &quot;The
material we have seen,&quot; the editors noted, &quot;would fill an entire issue of this
magazine, all of it corroborating the typical extracts which follow.&quot;&lt;p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;
The horrors of Nanking resemble all too closely recent events in Bosnia,
Rwanda, and elsewhere. Chang tries to explain how a culture of obedience helped
bring them about. &quot;How could it be that a country as civilized as Germany...?&quot;
This classic incredulity over the Holocaust easily could be the point of
departure in pondering how Japanese soldiers (&quot;honorary Aryans,&quot; in Hitler's
eyes) could have maimed, raped, tortured, and murdered so many unarmed
civilians of all ages. (Ironically, it was a German businessman and Nazi
loyalist, John Rabe, who emerged as the unlikely humanitarian hero, helping to
create the Safety Zone and saving some 300,000 lives in the process.) While the
Nazi atrocities rightly continue to be tagged as absolute evil, Japan's are
merely the product of &quot;fanaticism.&quot; But fanatics aren't born, and as Chang
explains, the methods to their madness had origins.&lt;p&gt;
First, Japan since the Meiji Restoration of 1868 had revamped its system of
edu-&lt;br /&gt;cation to the point where schooling and preparation &lt;br /&gt;for war had
become almost interchangeable.Student-teachers, for example, were housed in
barracks during their training  and subject to harsh discipline and
indoctrination. By the 1930s many teachers themselves were military officers,
lecturing students on their divine duty to conquer Asia. Obedience to
authority, most of all to the emperor, was the cardinal virtue. Teachers would
instill shame and terror in renegade students, often by slapping, punching, and
bludgeoning. Hatred for the Chinese was part of the core curriculum, no matter
what the pretext. Chang recounts one story of a teacher who punched a boy in
class for being squeamish about dissecting a frog. The teacher yelled, &quot;Why are
you crying about one lousy frog. When you grow up you'll have to kill one
hundred, two hundred chinks!&quot;&lt;p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;
Training for military recruits took such &quot;schooling&quot; to its logical conclusion.
If the schools were molding a New Japanese Citizen--stoic, brutal, and
obedient--the military wanted the cream of the crop. Officers were unceasing in
their abuse, often slapping and punching recruits until they bled, saying: &quot;I
do not beat you because I hate you. I beat you because I care for you.&quot; The
idea was to instill in young soldiers a numbness to killing civilians, not just
soldiers. In any society, Chang observes, those with the least power &quot;are often
the most sadistic if given the power of life and death over people even lower
on the pecking order.&quot; In Japan, those at the bottom of the military hierarchy
turned their wrath on the Chinese, a people they'd been trained to regard,
quite literally, as less than human. A culture war was about to become a
shooting one.&lt;p&gt;
That leads to a second major reason for the Nanking genocide: sadism as an
affirmation of traditional cultural loyalty. Social rank, even in modern Japan,
was still determined by proximity to the emperor  and enforced by ritualized
politeness. Chang recognizes that civility, when elevated to a cult, justifies
rather than discourages violent behavior. For centuries a Samurai warrior had
the authority to cut off the head of any peasant who failed to answer questions
politely. Citing Ruth Benedict's &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0395500753/reasonmagazineA/&quot;&gt;The Chrysanthemum and the Sword&lt;/a&gt;, Chang
notes the Samurai code was localized; that is, a person could commit atrocities
on foreign turf that they would regard as unthinkable on their own. Though with
less rigor than Michael Ignatieff's new book, &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0805055185/reasonmagazineA/&quot;&gt;The Warrior's Honor&lt;/a&gt;, Chang
recognizes that modern ethnic cleansing is grassroots tyranny gone national;
the problem is less &quot;the state&quot; per se than a certain social type who seizes
the state's institutions, most of all its military, as a means to subjugate
groups of outsider status. At once Westernizing and fiercely anti-Western,
Japan's radical militarists paradoxically used the tools of modernity to
mobilize for the defense of tradition.&lt;p&gt;
There remains much work to be done in getting the Japanese government to reckon
with truth, but change is occurring. In the spring of 1994 the new Japanese
justice minister, Gen. Nagano Shigeto, gave a newspaper interview claiming the
Nanking massacre was a fabrication; the uproar across Asia triggered his quick
resignation. In late 1996 our own Justice Department established a watch list
of Japanese war criminals with the intent of barring them from entering the
country.&lt;p&gt;
While the publication of &lt;em&gt;The Rape of Nanking&lt;/em&gt; will surely spur similar
developments, Chang's analysis of Nanking holds a lesson for contemporary
America, too, one that should resonate with libertarians: Beware of those who,
in the name of maintaining and recovering &quot;tradition,&quot; turn to the state as a
blunt instrument of moral development in citizens. &lt;/p&gt;</description>
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<pubDate>Mon, 01 Jun 1998 00:00:00 EDT</pubDate><author>choro73851@aol.com (Carl F. Horowitz)</author>
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