The "faith card": Right-wing P.C.
Cathy Young | April 25, 2005, 8:41pm
My latest column, which takes issue with conservative complaints about the "religious bigotry" of Democrats who are blocking socially conservative judicial nominees, has elicited (via the Volokh Conspiracy) an interesting response from Professor Stephen Bainbridge.
To my argument (with which Eugene Volokh agrees) that the issue is not religious faith as such but public policy views, Prof. Bainbridge replies that Volokh and I overlook the issue of "disparate impact." Under this principle, employment practices that are not overtly unfair constitute illegal discrimination if they substantially, disproportionately and adversely affect members of a particular race, ethnicity, gender, or religion. Prof. Bainbridge argues that opposing judges with hardcore conservative views on abortion or gay rights has such a selective adverse impact on "devout Christians."
Two points:
1. The human resources guide Prof. Bainbridge quotes refers to "any qualifying test that hurts minorities, and isn't job-related" (emphasis added). Indeed, the U.S. Supreme Court has stated that in order to be a violation of Title VII, an employment practice must be "unrelated to measuring job capability." For instance, job interviews that focus heavily on a prospective employee's familiarity with sports -- tending to screen out women -- are legally acceptable if you're hiring writers for a sports magazine, but not if you're hiring stockbrokers.
Is Prof. Bainbridge saying that a judge's views regarding the legality of abortion are not "job-related"? If the Democrats were refusing to confirm someone as, say, Secretary of Agriculture based on his or her anti-abortion zealotry, that would be mere prejudice. However, protecting the legal right to abortion is -- for better or worse -- a key part of the Democrats' political agenda. Thus, disqualifying judges who not only oppose abortion but passionately advocate its banning is, from their perspective, directly job-related (hence not discriminatory under the "disparate impact" standard).
2. Correct me if I'm wrong, but weren't conservatives supposed to be against nebulous standards like "disparate impact"? Creative interpretations of what is and isn't "job-related" have led to some absurd court decisions -- throwing out "gender-biased" physical strength and endurance tests for firefighters, or nixing written tests for promotions in the police force because they are disproportionately flunked by minorities. Do conservatives now want to extend this "logic" to the absurd conclusion that a prospective judge's views on important legal issues cannot disqualify him from the job if those views are based on religion? (By the way, would that also apply to a "devout Muslim" who advocated the adoption of Islamic sharia law in the United States? Just wondering.)
In a way, Prof. Bainbridge's invocation of "disparate impact" confirms a point I made in my column: that the cry of "anti-religious bias" has become the "political correctness of the right," a "faith card" similar to the left's race/gender card.
This still leaves open the question I raised about a double standard toward religious and non-religious beliefs. Take a hypothetical nominee for the federal bench who has publicly stated that male dominance is essential to a healthy social system. He is (a) an evangelical Christian whose beliefs are rooted in his understanding of biblical principles, or (b) an agnostic whose beliefs are rooted in his understanding of sociobiology. It seems that according to Prof. Bainbridge, the Senate would be allowed to hold the nominee's views against him in scenario (b), but not in scenario (a). Personally, I think that this particular belief ought to disqualify him whether it's based on the Bible, the Koran, Confucius, Darwin, Nietzsche, or the Gor novels.
Conservatives have been arguing for some time that the "no establishment of religion" provision of the First Amendment should not be interpreted so as to discriminate against religious viewpoints: for instance, political views rooted in religious values are just as legitimate as ones rooted in secular moral principles. Fine. But then let's really treat religious and non-religious beliefs equally.
kevrob | April 25, 2005, 11:00pm | #
Let's do a thought experiment. Assume that I attended law school and eventually was appointed to or elected to the state or federal bench. Moreover, I had never written any law review article, made any speech or written any appellate opinion that commented on
Roe v. Wade or related cases in any way. Since I took this career path, rather than the one in Our World, I never ran for another office, and certainly don't post my opinions about controversial subjects on blog comment sections. (Yes, I am David Souter, and you demand your $5.00.) Nobody has Clue 1 on what my opinion might be about a case that could limit or even overturn
Roe. After the President picks me for a Court of Appeals or SCOTUS spot, I refuse to answer questions about any such hypothetical case, as I may have to rule on it some day.
What would the Alliance for Justice types do? They'd notice that I attended a Catholic grade school, graduated from a Catholic high school, and have a B.A. from a Jesuit University. Newspaper reporters would look up my family connections, and notice that one of my brothers is a Roman Catholic priest. Editorialists would start to refer to me as a "Catholic." Any government functionary who asked me about my religion - FBI background checkers, Senatorial staffers - would be given a quick lesson in Article VI, section III of the Constitution of the United States, which says,
...but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.
Now, does anyone doubt that the Pro-Choice crowd would fear that I was in communion with Rome, and therefore unable to be trusted with the power to rule on constitutional law, lest I fail to uphold their view of the right to privacy, and start lobbying against me?
I expect that a few pro-lifers would be scratching their heads, wondering why I didn't proclaim Jesus' name, but amused that the Nan Arons of the world had nothing concrete to pin on me.
In fact, I do have a Catholic education, and a priest-brother, even though I am, myself, a mildly pro-choice atheist who has shot his mouth off on the issue aloud before potential constituents and online. So, should I ever get a law degree, there'll be no nominations coming my way!
I do think that, should the President nominate a nominal Catholic who has never made public pronouncements on the abortion issue, reflexive opposition to such a nominee does smack of bigotry. After all, about half of American Catholics don't agree with the hierarchy on the abortion issue, and even some of them who agree that it is a sin don't want to write that stricture into law. Nominating a Protestant from a conservative sect may be more of a pointer. One assumes that, if a Protestant disagrees with the dogma of his congregation, he will quit it and join one more to his liking.
Of course, the torches and pitchforks would really come out once it was learned that I was a
Reason reader!
Kevin
thoreau | April 26, 2005, 2:45am | #
We all know what this is about: abortion. We can say what we want about tradition, "judicial temperment", majority rule, the President's power to shape the courts, etc. etc. But at the end of the day it's about picking the next Supreme Court Justice, and we all know that the next Supreme Court Justice will be chosen based on abortion. The Senators might give long speeches about this that or the other thing, but at the end of the day it will be about abortion. It shouldn't be, but that's the way it is.
Some people on this forum, including many who would oppose a state law banning abortion, might argue that the solution is to overturn Roe vs. Wade and take the matter out of the judicial branch. And they might have a point. But overturning that ruling won't make the controversy go away. People will still seek a judicial remedy, however rightly or wrongly.
So here's my only half-facetious proposal: Create a fourth branch of government. Call it the "Obstetric Branch." Empower this branch of government to handle one issue and one issue alone: Abortion. I don't care how this branch is elected, how the seats are apportioned, and what their terms are, because I won't participate in those elections. The Obstetric Branch can ban it, legalize it, restrict it, turn it over to the states, subsidize it, deny any and all federal funding, whatever. They can pass a law allowing abortion up until the final toenail is delivered or they can institute the death penalty for any pharmacist who dispenses RU486. Whatever. Just take it away from the other branches of government.
I know, it will never happen. I'm not even all that serious about it. I just bring it up to make the pessimistic point that only extreme measures will defuse this issue.
Then again, I'm in a pessimistic mood today. I spent two and a half hours holding a professor's hand as he waded through a draft of a research article. Not fun.
Gerry | April 26, 2005, 7:36am | #
"ake a hypothetical nominee for the federal bench who has publicly stated that male dominance is essential to a healthy social system. He is (a) an evangelical Christian whose beliefs are rooted in his understanding of biblical principles, or (b) an agnostic whose beliefs are rooted in his understanding of sociobiology. It seems that according to Prof. Bainbridge, the Senate would be allowed to hold the nominee's views against him in scenario (b), but not in scenario (a). Personally, I think that this particular belief ought to disqualify him whether it's based on the Bible, the Koran, Confucius, Darwin, Nietzsche, or the Gor novels."
I find this strawman to be less than compelling, although you did knock it down with a certain flair after a very solid set-up.
We don't need to take a hypothetical extreme strawman. We can use a very real example-- William Pryor. The primary concern over him is that he feels so strongly about his religious, pro-life views that his nomination should be scuttled. While there are clearly those who believe that being pro-life is comparable to believing in male societal dominance, the fact is that being pro-life is a mainstream view. It may or may not be the majority view, depending on the poll and the way the questions are phrased, but it is not 'out there'.
So we are not dealing with a particular belief that should disqualify the candidate regardless of what it is based upon. But that is exactly what is being done. The Democrats are trying to disqualify Pryor, and others, for this very view. And they are doing it by demonizing it as being out of the mainstream by playing upon people's fear of a 'theocracy'.
On Althouse's blog, she quoted the very section I did above. The very first reply on it was a person who also brought up Pryor, and spoke of the Democrats in that person's circle:
"Pryor's voting record shows he can separate his conservative religious views from his wielding of the gavel - but they just don't trust him."
And why don't they trust him? Because of his religious views. That's discriminatory. And it is wrong.
Tom Perkins | April 26, 2005, 7:36am | #
XRLQ wrote: "Blocked != filibustered. The fact that one Republican Senate only managed to block "almost as many" Democrat nominees as the Democrat faction of another Republican Senate did to Republican nominees speaks volumes."
Biff replied: "It does, but not in support of your side. Republicans (specifically, Orrin Hatch) blocked Clinton's nominees from getting a floor vote because they knew those nominees would be confirmed, even by the majority-Republican Congress. That folks like yourself object to 40 Senators preventing a vote, but have no problem with a single Senator preventing a vote, does in fact "speak volumes", about your hypocrisy and mindless partisanship."
Biff is right, but I cordially hate his name ;^)
The "Block", whereby a nominee's home state senator can remove them from consideration, is a mechanism equally open to all party's dependent only on the success of the party at that local level. It was a proportional measure available to each party in the proportion they had political success locally. The "filibuster" is a purely obstructionist measure in this case acting nationally permitting an obvious political minority to prevent the national majority from having it's say. After the rules a simple majority of the Senate feels are followed, the Constitution prescribes an up or down vote.
I also have to point out that the 3/5ths majority to end a filibuster was lowered to that from 2/3rds by the Democrats when the Republican population of the Senate seemed to rise above that 2/3rds level semi-permanently in the late '70's. So screw the Dems, they deserve it.
The protection for a minority is intended to be found in the structure of government, the plain text of the constitution, and the respect for a common understanding of that document that exists commonly and publicly. Having worked tirelessly to destroy that for about a 100 years, the Dems should enjoy the fruits of their labors.
The notion that that traditional Christians tend have political views that reasnably exclude them from appointed office, is bigotry in result and therefore bigotry in fact. The disparate impact standard either is fair to use on this question or it is fair to use nowhere--but in this case, in her original argument, Cathy Young makes a distinction where no difference exists.