Brian Doherty | April 24, 2009
Some breakfast legislative sausage, via Rep. Henry Waxman's office and the proposed cap-and-trade carbon reduction scheme, and the Washington Examiner:
In exchange for votes to pass a controversial global warming package, Democratic leaders are offering some lawmakers generous emission “allowances” to protect their districts from the economic pain of pollution restrictions.
Rep. Gene Green, D-Texas, represents a district with several oil refineries, a huge source of greenhouse gas emissions. He also serves on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which must approve the global warming plan backed by President Barack Obama.
Green says Rep. Henry Waxman, D-Calif., who heads the panel, is trying to entice him into voting for the bill by giving some refineries favorable treatment in the administration’s “cap and trade” system...“We’ve been talking,” Green said, referring to a meeting he had with Waxman on Tuesday night. “To put together a bill that passes, they have to get our votes, and I’m not going to vote for a bill without refinery allowances.”
Rep. Joe Barton, R-Texas, the top Republican on the energy panel, said Waxman and others are also dangling allowances for steel and coal-fired power plants to give political cover to Democrats whose districts rely on these companies.....
Waxman told The Examiner he was not trading votes for allowances.
“That is what the Republicans are saying, but that is not accurate,” he said. The bill left out specifics on allowances “in order to be able to have discussions on how best to ease the transition for various geographical regions and ratepayers.”
“I will politely disagree,” said energy committee member John Shimkus, R-Ill., who insisted Waxman “is calling members into his office to try to get their vote, and that will be based on the credits they are offering.”
I wrote about how politics inevitably precedes markets in pollution allowance trading way back in 1996. Ron Bailey has been on the contemporary cap-and-trade debate for us at Reason magazine and Reason Online like iron oxide on steel, and just a few weeks ago explained why it promises to be the biggest corporate welfare of all time.
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Someone please investigate how Waxman is treating PUBLIC utilities. Start with Los Angeles DWP, the dirtiest producer in California. How much you wanna bet they'll get concessions vs. their private sector competitors?
The prisoner's dilemna in action.
If the Republicans stick to their guns and refuse to cooperate,
the EPA nuke the U.S.
economy, and the Democrats will be blamed.
But, if one or two republican vote with the Democrats, then the EPA
will no longer be allowed to lay waste to the U.S. hurting the
Republicans' chances overall. But, whichever Republican cooperates
can get exemptions that will save his district from being hit too
hard, thereby securing his reelection.
Thus, the Republican who caves is better off than if none of the
cave at all, while the ones who don't cave are left worse off if
two or more cave.
It must really be a crisis if they're willing to let everyone
off the hook in exchange for promises of exemption.
As Instapundit says: "I'll believe it's a crisis when the people
who tell me it's a crisis start acting like it's a crisis."
@tarran: damn straight.
tarran @ 9:51
Don't be so sure that caving would secure reelection.
Cap and trade will cause skyrocketing energy costs. There will be
across the board price hikes not only in our electric bills but in
all of our goods and services. The entire US economy will be
effected, even if individual recipients receive allowances. The
goods I purchase are not limited to those manufactured in my own
region-- heck, most of our food is transported from other parts of
the country.
When we start to weep and moan about the stupidity of imposing cap
and trade on a country already in deep recession, voters aren't
going to care which representatives managed to bargain for
allowances. Today's sell-out is tomorrow's attack ad.
Auctioning off of utility assets has begun. And how big is the
pay-to-play?
See our piece from March:
http://mskochin.blogspot.com/2009/03/obamas-green-offensive-against.html
In exchange for votes to pass a controversial global warming
package, Democratic leaders are offering some lawmakers generous
emission "allowances" to protect their districts from the economic
pain of pollution restrictions.
Hey, it's just like the EU! How's that going lately, anyway?
"When buying and selling are controlled by legislation, the first things to be bought and sold are legislators" -- P.J. O'ROURKE
Cap and trade?
More like kneecap and trade. It's a green protection racket- take
care of me and you get a waiver, an " allowance". Otherwise, pay
through the nose.
One recalls Martin Cruz Smith's comment that government is the
biggest Mafia of all.
Hey, it's just like the EU! How's that going lately,
anyway?
Never mind, I found out.
14 Aug 2008: "
Goddamitt, I really should learn how to type someday. Try
again:
Hey, it's just like the EU! How's that going lately,
anyway?
Never mind, I found out.
14 Aug 2008:
"The price of European Union Allowances (EUAs) has fallen sharply
in the past month as oil prices have stabilised, dropping from a
high of €29.33 (£23.37) at the start of July to a low on 4 August
of €21.21 (£16.90). But according to IDEAcarbon, this low price is
now at odds with the fundamental drivers in the market and the
price should soon climb again."
5 Dec 2008:
"As carbon hits 21 month low, analysts insist market is
'undervalued'"
20 Jan 2009:
"Updated: Sell-off forces EU carbon to record lows"
And finally...
13 April 2009:
"A recent UK report suggested that carbon credits need to trade at
eight times their current price in order to have any real
effect."
obladioblada | April 24, 2009, 10:34am | #
Cap and trade will cause skyrocketing energy costs.
If by "skyrocket" you mean "increase 20% or so", then you are
right.
Of course, the prices really wouldn't be increasing. Rather, they
would be including some of the hidden costs that we have been
keeping off the books.
On Earth Day my local NPR station replayed an Intelligence
Squared debate
from January 13th on the motion "Major Reductions in Carbon
Emissions Are Not Worth the Money."
At the start, the audience poll showed 16% for, 49% against, and
35% undecided. At the end, the numbers were 42%, 48%, and
10%.
In other words, when exposed to a fair debate on the issue, almost
all the undecideds voted against major expenditures on carbon
reduction, bringing the likely liberal-leaning assembly close to a
tie.
The standing presumptions in government and media that We Must Do
Something about climate change and Everybody Knows It is terribly
mistaken. These stories get sadder and sadder with each subsequent
iteration.
In other words, when exposed to a fair
debate on the issue, almost all the undecideds voted against major
expenditures on carbon reduction, bringing the likely
liberal-leaning assembly close to a tie.
Fair. Therein lies the problem. A fair debate would have been 97 vs
3, not 3v3. Guess how many people would have been swayed by
watching three people barely getting in a word edge-wise? It's
funny that I was able to guess 2/3 of the denialist without even
looking. It's not hard because NPR has to draw from such a small
number of credible people. On the other hand, I had no idea who
would be on the other side, precisely because NPR had hundreds to
choose from.
Chad,
Since the debate motion was not about science, but about economics,
I don't see where you get your 97 to 3 ratio.
Just as you think, properly, that people who debate climate change
science should be discounted if they are not scientists, surely
people who debate climate change economics should be discounted if
they are not economists.
A sample of how economists would side on such a debate can be found
in the Wikipedia article on Nicholas
Stern...
The Stern Review was criticized by some fellow economists, including Partha Dasgupta, David Maddison, Robert Mendelsohn, William Nordhaus, Richard Tol, Hal Varian, Martin Weitzman, and Gary Yohe, but supported by Kenneth Arrow, James Mirrlees, Amartya Sen, Joseph Stiglitz and Robert M. Solow.
That's 8 to 5 likely for the motion.
In other words, when exposed to a fair debate on the issue, almost all the undecideds voted against major expenditures on carbon reduction, bringing the likely liberal-leaning assembly close to a tie.
Fair. Therein lies the problem. A fair debate would have been 97 vs 3, not 3v3. Guess how many people would have been swayed by watching three people barely getting in a word edge-wise? [...]
By way of preface, my positions on "Global Climate Change"
are:
* It is clear that significant moves are afoot
* It is very likely that they are significantly driven my human
activity
* It is very likely that there will be significant global economic
effect within fifty to one hundred years
* It is not at all clear what the best policy is now (attempt
mitigation or not, if so how)
That laid out, this claim is simply dumb.
The fact support your side or they don't or they are muddled and
unclear. Three articulate, passionate people are enough to present
one side of the argument for good or for ill.
The number of people who support a particular scientific position
is not a trivial matter to be blithely dismissed, but it matters
much more asymptotically than it does in the midst of a heated
debate.
Now, climatology is not my field, and I don't following it closely
(not enough time around doing neutrinos, 'ya know), but last time I
looked (circa 3 years ago) the pro-anthropogenic climate change
side had a big, impressive pile of observation and calculations and
predictions. But their arguments for demanding strong human action
now rested on a small number of arguments, and a couple of those
had really worrisome and persistent problems. Worse, many of the
strongest proponents were unwilling to address or even acknowledge
these problems in the peer reviewed literature (and yes, I read it,
and yes I'm able to follow it).
Have these been shored up? Do we, for instance have an internally
consistent procedure for selecting proxy data-sets and
normalizations that allows the generation of long baseline
historical records? Does this procedure---importantly---generate a
null result when fed null input? If so does it still generate a
"hockey stick" on the real data? From "everywhere", or just one
geographical location? That simply wasn't the case as recently as
2005.
So this proves, once and for all, that this is NOT an
environmental issue, but a political one, right?
"We know you've got heavy polluters in your district, the ones we
need to stop from killing us all. We're putting this legislation
together to make them NOT kill us all, but since we need your vote,
we're going to exempt them from the need to not kill us all. The
environment destroyers can keep on doing what they're doing as long
as you vote for this?
What the hell? Is it not patently obvious?
MikeP | April 24, 2009, 2:53pm | #
That's 8 to 5 likely for the motion.
Mike, if we had to use only the opinions of economists, we would
have to discount the entire panel.
But economists really can't help us either, because their favorite
tool, cost-benefit analysis, breaks down when used over long time
frames, because the assumptions (particularly, the discount rate)
completely dominate the output of the model. Essentially, your
conclusion boils down to whether you believe or decendants will be
super-rich people that we shouldn't really give a rat's butt about,
or not.
I guess we better have priests and philosophers decide. They are
more suited to the task than economists.
And note: I believe all 13 of your economists support a price on
carbon. They are only quibbling about the correct
price.
"Essentially, your conclusion boils down to whether you believe
or decendants will be super-rich people that we shouldn't really
give a rat's butt about, or not.
I guess we better have priests and philosophers decide. They are
more suited to the task than economists."
Could someone please interpret this for me? My computer's bs
translator is busted.
Essentially, your conclusion boils down to whether you
believe or decendants will be super-rich people that we shouldn't
really give a rat's butt about, or not.
Not quite. The conclusion boils down to whether you believe we are
being better stewards of our descendants' future -- or, more
importantly, the developing world's descendants' future -- by
giving them a richer world or a cooler world.
I believe all 13 of your economists support a price on carbon.
They are only quibbling about the correct price.
But that is exactly the difference between "major reductions" and
not as major reductions. In particular, pricing carbon by targeting
a maximum temperature or a maximum CO2 concentration simply costs a
lot more than it benefits. Better to target the maximum benefit at
the minimum cost and let the temperature and CO2 fall where they
may.
Not quite. The conclusion boils down to whether you believe
we are being better stewards of our descendants' future -- or, more
importantly, the developing world's descendants' future -- by
giving them a richer world or a cooler world.
That would be true under ANY discount rate, which you clearly
mis-understand. The notion you just suggested has no bearing on
inter-generational transfers. The problem with the high discount
rates of 4-5% that your "side" tries to use is that benefits (and
costs) 100 years from now are accounted 100-200 fold less than
benefits or costs today. Therefore, ANY plan that has more costs
than benefits now, and more benefits than costs later, is doomed to
fail the analysis. If you assume 2-3%, the conclusion flips on its
head. If you assume zero percent, its in a different universe. The
whole exercise becomes pointless because the assumptions dominate
the data. Even without the discount rate issue, such analyses are
borderline absurd. They are so incredibly sensistive to the
estimates that we have to make concerning population, economic, and
technological growth rates, extrapolated a hundred times over, that
you may as well be performing voodoo. And it gets even worse. Most
analysis just plain ignore anything that is "hard to quantify" like
species loss.
Solving this problem will require about 2% of world gdp, or one
year's worth of economic growth. Is it worth slowing down by a
whopping 12 months in order to ensure that we avoid apocalypic
scenarios, strongly mitigate the damage of the much more likely
"simply bad" scenarios, prevent our oceans from turning into acid
baths, prevent a significant fraction of the species on earth from
dying, protect our coastlines and coastal cities, and as an added
bonus wind up with cleaner air and water?
The answer is self-evident, honestly.
"Solving this problem will require about 2% of world gdp, or one
year's worth of economic growth. Is it worth slowing down by a
whopping 12 months"
So did you pull that figure out of your own colon, or did somebody
else pull it out of theirs and hand it to you?
"The answer is self-evident, honestly."
So, wait, it's "honest" to take the rosiest possible projection of
the costs of your proposals, compare it to the bleakest possible
alternative, and then say that that's your audience's choice?
Remember, I'm not one of the people who claims that there is no
AGW, or that government shouldn't take actions (such as a carbon
tax), to combat the pollution that causes it. But your analysis
falls well short of any reasonable standard of honesty.
Solving this problem will require about 2% of world gdp, or
one year's worth of economic growth.
Perhaps you could share the secret of whatever magic you have in
mind. Stern himself runs around telling everybody that it will take
1% of world GDP per year forever to mitigate damaging climate
change. If we could solve it with 0.2% per year over a decade and
be done with it, you wouldn't find too many opponents.
So did you pull that figure out of your own colon, or did
somebody else pull it out of theirs and hand it to you?
When I said it will cost about 2% of GDP, I mean every year. Of
course, it isn't quite like that, as the costs of most plans would
be higher now and become less as time goes on due to the
inevitiable increase in prices for fossil fuels, but 2% is pretty
much the upper bound for what anyone is predicting for costs. This
number is very reasonable. We spend about 5-6% of our incomes on
primary energy, and pay another 4-5% of our incomes for energy
costs that are embedded in our goods and services. A 20% increase
in energy prices would come out to about 2% of our incomes.
Now note that a permanent expenditure of 2% of our income has the
same impact financially as skipping one year of 2% growth. It's
simply not a big deal economically and we can easily afford it.
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