Damon W. Root | September 29, 2008
Today's big House revolt against the bailout was welcome for all sorts of reasons, though it's worth pointing out one way that today's bill was at least superior to the proposal Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson first conjured up. Here's what Paulson's original draft had to say on the matter of judicial review:
Decisions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of this act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may not be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative agency.
So much for checks and balances! Or as the Cato Institute's William Niskanen put it, "For the second time in six years, the Bush administration has asked Congress for nearly unlimited authority without an independent professional review of the evidence that led the administration to request such authority."
Here's what today's ill-fated Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 had to say on the matter:
Actions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of this act shall be subject to chapter 7 of title 5, United States Code, including that such final actions shall be held unlawful and set aside if found to be arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or not in accordance with law.
Judicial review by the federal courts, in other words, which is immeasurably better than placing Paulson (or whoever replaces him) above the law. As Niskanen notes, the Bush administration has an extremely troubling record of pushing and grabbing for as much executive branch authority as it can possibly get. Former Justice Department attorney and "torture memo" author John Yoo, for instance, recently went so far as to praise the belligerent and domineering Andrew Jackson for his "vigorous exercise of his executive power."
Assuming today's crazy quilt of "no" votes eventually comes undone, let's hope that this particular improvement at least remains intact.
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Laws written and passed in haste generally are fucked up laws.
See Patriot Act.
This crisis has been brewing for years, been obvious to the
non-comatose for more than one and "we need to pass this emergency
bill this weekend or the sky will fall" just don't cut it with
me.
Ask me sometimes why I'm excessively (appropriately?) cynical and
I'll point to D.C. for the last 10 days.
Decisions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of this
act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may
not be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative
agency
The arrogance of this statement is breathtaking. It's really quite
impressive. I give it an 8 for style.
Decisions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of this
act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may
not be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative
agency.
I'll give it a 10 for treasonous.
Of course now the bill (assuming one is passed) will be subject to that oh so important check and balance called rational review.
I have such mixed feelings, I feel like I'm being torn in
half.
I'm overjoyed that this particular piece of legislation failed and
that we see a great number of congresspeople acting on principle to
follow the will of the people. This package was the wrong package,
by far. It probably could have been cut in half, better targeted
with more oversight, and done mostly the same thing - preventing a
short term collapse and a long term recession.
At the same time, my feelings towards a bailout in general are
about the same as I feel towards the dropping of the atomic bombs
at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Its something we dream of never needing
to have done, we think it's one of the most terrible occurences
possible. But the alternative was invading Japan, where civilians
likely would have fought Vietnam-style and killed potentially
hundreds of thousands of US troops and the population of Japan
would have been completely decimated. Which one saves more lives?
We can never know, but I think the balance of risk is that the
atomic bomb, like some sort of a bailout, was/is necessary.
I don't think rejecting any bailout means less statism. If the
market does indeed collapse and we go into a slightly smaller Great
Depression, I think we'd see more government involvement in the
economy than if we prevented the market from failing in the first
place. Not that the bailout will work - it's a risk, and I don't
necessarily think this particular bailout would have worked. But
some bailout to restore confidence in markets and correct the
distortions the government caused (with a good likelihood that the
loan will be repaid and the companies will be reprivatized when
stabilized) may actually be more preferable from a libertarian
perspective to a Great Depression where consumer confidence in free
markets is destroyed followed by a new New Deal.
I'm sure I'm the minority here, but I think we should be asking
what the risks are in the event of a crumpled economy where people
do assume statism is the only way out? Is this a time to be
ideological or utilitarian? If we had, say, a $200 billion bailout
targeted as a shock to the system with heavy oversight that avoids
the moral hazard (by replacing the executives who got us into this
mess with better financial managers like Warren Buffett), has an
exit plan upon restabilization and works to correct the market
distortions, this solution may be the best, as unfortunate as the
situation is.
Anyone still not convinced we need a third party? This charade by Paulson may be the much needed alarm bell for the American public. We can talk about change and reform all we want but as long as we continue to send the same corrupt establishment back to DC decade after decade the looting will continue.
The point may be moot now, but please explain how a court will decide whether a government purchase of mortgage securities is arbitrary and capricious? What standard will the court use? Will they set aside a purchase if the judge thinks the price is too high? Judicial review of such buying decisions will either be illusory or arbitrary itself.
I think a little too much has been made of the fact that the
Treasury secretary will have non-reviewable decisions under the
bailout. Congress does have the consitutional power to set
jurisdicitional limits for federal courts, so it's not a
consitituional problem.
Keep in mind that the constituionality of the bailout law itself
can still be challenged in federal court, it's just that agency
decisions made under the law itself are not challengeable. A good
analogy would be that while Congress has power to declare war, and
the president has the power to wage it, courts cannot review any
General's strategic decisions, no matter how stupid they might
appear.
There's a good practical reason for that. If the bailout is going
to work at all, it will require a group of experts to make
decisions about which companies and securities need propping up,
and which can be allowed to bleed to death. Due to the death of
infallible economics experts in the world, Congress is letting the
Treasury Dept. handle it. Court challenges to Treasury Dept's
economic triage decisions would stall and defeat any chances of the
plan working just as court review of a General's strategic
decisions would defeat any chance of a battle plan working.
One can make the argument that the bailout won't work under any
circumstances. One can make the principled libertarian argument
that the bailout shouldn't be allowed to work. However, passing the
bailout, but handicapping it with unlimited federal court review
would gurantee that it doesn't work.
"I am the law."
This constant expansion of federal authority and the removal of
Constitutional fetters is not unique to the Bush administration.
Quite a bit of this sort of thing was attempted during the previous
few administrations, with varying degrees of success. In other
words, don't think that your party or your candidate is likely to
be much different. Unless you're voting LP, I guess.
...such final actions shall be held unlawful and set aside
if found to be arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of
discretion, or not in accordance with law.
This is some level of judicial review, but as any attorney can tell
you, the chance of something being overturned by a court on abuse
of discretion review is very slim. This is mere window dressing on
what are still pretty much unlimited powers.
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