David Weigel | June 2, 2006
Brian Doherty looks down the barrel at the lousy options and probable outcomes of the Iran situation.
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The notion that deterrence works as a way of restraining nuclear
armed states, the sole justification for allowing Iran to gain
nuclear weapons is greatly flawed. It rests on precisely 2
examples: the United States v. the Soviet Union, and India v.
Pakistan. Even ignoring the near misses, the fact that that the
Indo-Pak standoff continues, and the fanatical nature of the
current Iranian government, we are still left with two examples.
Not enough to show that deterrence works. It also ignores the
damage Iran, the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism, can do
through that weapon, knowing its nuclear weapons make it almost
impossible to find out.
It's fairly clear, given all of this, and despite wishful thinking
that Sen. McCain is right when he said the only thing worse than an
American attack on Iran is a nuclear armed Iran. At the very least
no arguments have been presented that show otherwise.
When I read the letter to Bush, it reminded me of a Frank
Herbert quote:
'When I am weaker than you, I ask for freedom because that is
according to your principles; when I am stronger than you, I take
away your freedom because that is according to my
principles.'
Of course, Bush is no paragon of freedom (despite his insistence to
the contrary). I think the statement still fits as a good
warning.
Hillel Franklin's article brings back memories of 2002. The confidence in preemptive war as a safe tool to pick up and wield for our foreign policy, the affected contempt for the masculinity of people who don't share his confidence...National Review was always full of Victor David Hanson nattering on about the Romans in this vein.
w.e white,
"...the only thing worse than an American attack on Iran is a
nuclear armed Iran."
In my opinion, there is one thing worse: an American nuclear attack
on Iran, the stick to the "energy assistance" carrot that we're
currently wielding.
While it would solve a pressing short-term problem, it would
inevitably create an enormous long-term problem, namely, the
nuclearification of every nation without a current security
agreement with the US. It would be a nuclear bazaar, with A.Q. Khan
acting as the Master of Ceremonies.
The message is clear: If you can somehow get to a live nuclear
test, and apprise the world of that accomplishment, you are in the
clear (India, Pakistan, North Korea apparently, thanks to Pakistan,
again apparently) and we will welcome you into the family of
nuclear nations.
Even a country with a military dictatorship can belong as long as
they are strategically important to our short-term military and
strategic goals.
Consider this opening statement from "Pakistan's Nuclear
Proliferation Activities and the Recommendations of the 9/11
Commission: U.S. Policy Constraints and Options"
--------------------------------------
In calling for a clear, strong, and long-term commitment to support
the military-dominated government of Pakistan despite serious
concerns about that country's nuclear proliferation activities, The
Final Report of the 9/11 Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the
United States cast into sharp relief two long-standing
contradictions in U.S. policy towards Pakistan and South Asia.
First, in over fifty years, the United States and Pakistan have
never been able to align their national security objectives except
partially and temporarily. Pakistan's central goal has been to gain
U.S. support to bolster its security against India, whereas the
United States has tended to view the relationship from the
perspective of its global security interests.
Second, U.S. nuclear nonproliferation objectives towards Pakistan
(and India) repeatedly have been subordinated to other U.S. goals.
During the 1980s, Pakistan successfully exploited its importance as
a conduit for aid to the anti-Soviet Afghan mujahidin to deter the
application of U.S. nuclear nonproliferation law. Not only did
Pakistan develop its nuclear weapons capability while receiving
some $600 million annually in U.S. military and economic aid, but
some of the erstwhile mujahidin came to form the core of Al Qaeda
and Taliban a decade later.
--------------------------------------
Here's another scary piece:
--------------------------------------
The 9/11 Commission Report argues that President Musharraf is "the
best hope for stability in Pakistan and Afghanistan" and an
advocate of "enlightened moderation."
--------------------------------------
Wow, he's our best hope, huh?
The four options discussed in the report are worth taking a look
at, they are:
Option 1 - Fully Support Musharraf on Condition of Continued
Counterterrorism Support
Option 2 - Multilateral Nonproliferation Strategies
Option 3 - Condition High Value Assistance on Access to A.Q.
Khan
Option 4 - Reimposition of Nuclear Nonproliferation Sanctions
#3, getting help with Khan, is essential, since his network is
fourishing, but a section from this option analysis shows just how
much a nuclear force such as Pakistan can sway our policy:
--------------------------------------
A potentially significant problem with this option is that so long
as Musharraf or a successor perceives that the Bush Administration
needs him more than he needs the United States, Pakistan is in a
position to turn the tables on U.S. policymakers. That is, instead
of treating the F-16's or other weapons systems as a "carrot," to
be earned by additional cooperation, Pakistan could reduce or limit
its cooperation on terrorism as a lever to get the United States to
agree to allow the purchase of the aircraft and other desired
hardware. In fact, some of President Musharraf's remarks at a press
conference during a visit to Washington in early December 2004
could be interpreted as effort to put counter-pressure on the
United States to approve the sale of the F-16's. Musharraf told
reporters that he had discussed the F-16 issue with President Bush
and senior U.S. officials, but that the Administration had not yet
agreed to the requested purchase. At the same time, Musharraf also
implied declining enthusiasm about using Pakistani forces to hunt
for Al Qaeda in tribal zone between Pakistan and Afghanistan, where
many believe bin Laden and other senior terrorist leaders may be
hiding.
--------------------------------------
Imagine a dozen more countries with this kind of influence over our
foriegn policy options, and the temptation to run to the fridge and
grab a cold one becomes overwhelming.
"Ruth Buzzi was one out of only four people to appear in every
episode of Laugh-In. Her signature character was the frowzy
spinster "Gladys Ormphby," clad in brown with her bun hairdo
covered by a visible hairnet. The character was a well-balanced and
believable mix, defending her virginal purity and honor on the one
hand, and desperately seeking wild and amorous romance on the
other. The "defense" came from her lethal purse, with which she
would flail away at anyone who sought to take advantage of her. On
Laugh-In, Gladys most often appeared as the unwilling object of the
advances of Arte Johnson's "dirty old man" character "Tyrone."
"
Above was lifted from WikiPaedia.
My impressions of Iranians include a Ruth Buzzi look-alike here in
Sinincincinnati.
She is a librarian by trade, and I helped her find gainful
employment here.
I'm sure she makes at least double what I'm making.
That and my one-legged Chattanooga cousin married an Iranian, and
they live happily in Hong Kong.
I love Iranians. My momma loves Iranians. My cousins love
Iranians.
Iranians are nice people. (Lethal with a purse, maybe, but
hey!)
Let's get physical!
In 60 years, mankind has perfected its doomsday machine and
propagated it to the point where as many as nine nations have the
potential to initiate the annihilation of the species. Not one has
shown any real inclination to abandon such capability once
obtained. Raise your hand if you think the number of WMD nations is
going down over the next 4 or 5 decades.
While we are arguably further from the brink then at points in our
recent past, as long as there are nuclear haves who can dictate
terms to the have-nots, proliferation will continue. The
realpolitik of MAD is unfortunately still the only true defense
against religious or nationalistic ideology, a thought that does
not comfort me in the era of asymmetric warfare.
It's like Sting said: I hope the Russians (and the Chinese,
Pakistanis, N. Koreans, Iranians, Shiites, Sunnis,. . . .) love
their children too.
Since Iran is out and proud about its uranium, and about
believing it should have the right to possess nuclear weapons that
others have, no "were there or weren't there WMDs?" embarassment is
likely in any Iran war aftermath.
Correct me if I 'm wrong, but I could have sworn that Iran's
official position, even if no one believes them, is that their
nuclear program is strictly for peaceful, ie energy, purposes.
(Skimming the linked article I couldn't figure out if it clarifies
the matter or not.)
Considering how few people really doubted Saddam had WMD's (though
many disputed the nature of their threat to us), isn't it at least
conceivably possible we could invade Iran and find plenty of
uranium but no actual weapons program? Note, I'm asking not if it's
"likely" but if it's "possible".
Even assuming an invasion of Iran truly is necessary, how exactly are we supposed to do it? The military's too stretched out for an effective boots-on-the-ground invasion, and from what I've read many of Iran's nuke facilities are underground, and spread out, so it's not a simple matter of sending a couple of missiles to a specific area and blowing up the facilities.
The fact is, there is absolutely no good reason for a country
not to pursue a nuclear weapons program. There is no carrot that
can be offered by the US or the international community that is as
useful. There is only stick. That leaves us with:
1) Make sure the threat of the stick is credible.
2) Expect brinksmanship.
3) Gut check to see how much stick we are really prepared to
use.
My feeling is that a period of air strikes against nuke facilities
would be a good return on investment in terms of making the process
very expensive, but if that turns out to be unworkable because they
build processing underground in Tehran, we will have to live with a
nuclear Iran. Living with a nuclear Iran may mean accepting a
period of rapid expansion of the number of nuclear states in the
world for the sake of stability.
No good options. The only way to stop it is to reassert an ability
to detect and eliminate at relatively low cost to ourselves any
nuclear activity anywhere in the world. Since Pakistan and India,
we just don't have that kind of credibility anymore.
fyodor:
Point taken, but:
1) If they were interested in local power generation, they would
have taken the Russian deal or the more recent brokered one that
provided them with cut rate uranium.
2) With X number of centrifuges you are interested in power, with Y
you are interested in bombs. The stated goal of the Iranian
government is to build up Y capacity for refinement.
3) They tried initially to hide the whole thing from IAEA.
4) The incentive to build a bomb is very high.
Jennifer, if an invasion of Iraq truly is necessary, like the
invasion of Iraq in 1991 or the invasion of Afghanistan in 2002,
then we can expect to have the help of our allies at the impressive
levels we had during those episodes.
If, on the other hand, the invasion of Iran is yet onther right
wing fantasy, part of the neoconservative Really Big Plan That
Couldn't Possibly Go Wrong, we would indeed be screwed.
So, are Richard Perle and Dougles Feith (ie, the two most wrong
human beings in recorded history) being asked to check the CIA,
IAEA, and State Department's intelligence work on Iran yet?
Do we get to include Iran's expediting of its nuclear program, along with the squashing of its once-powerful internal dissent activities, on the list of regional political transformations created by our liberation of Iraq?
the two most wrong human beings in recorded
history
Look up a fellow named Jimmy Carter (who's really the Ur-source of
our current mess). Then Paul Ehrlich (who's just always wrong no
matter what). Dude, there's a LOT of competition for that
title.
"Do we get to include Iran's expediting of its nuclear program,
along with the squashing of its once-powerful internal dissent
activities, on the list of regional political transformations
created by our liberation of Iraq?"
I suspect that is a fair assessment. My read is that Iraq advanced
the desire to squash internal dissent, which in turn enabled
sincere efforts on the nuclear front. My hedging on full agreement
comes in noting that the only way the nuclear program gets delayed
(not eliminated, but delayed) is through internal strife, which I'm
not sure is good either.
My hedging on full agreement comes in noting that the only
way the nuclear program gets delayed (not eliminated, but delayed)
is through internal strife, which I'm not sure is good
either.
If the internal strife is liberal dissidents agitating against a
religious fundamentalist regime then it is a very, very, very good
thing.
thoreau:
Strife isn't the same as victory for the good guys. That is my
worry. Some forms of instability would be worse and some might be
better. I dunno.
Do we get to include Iran's expediting of its nuclear
program, along with the squashing of its once-powerful internal
dissent activities, on the list of regional political
transformations created by our liberation of Iraq?
I suspect that both the Iranian nuclear program and its theological
police state predated the toppling of Saddam Hussein, joe.
I have to go with R C on this one. I don't think Iran just got
started in the last few years. I imagine that they thought it would
be a good idea around the time Iraq thought it would (only Iran
didn't get bombed by the Israelis). Not to mention, nuclear weapons
are an excellent way to keep the U.N. and the U.S. out. I do think
the saber-rattling is a little more intense due to our presence
there, but the fact of the nuclear weapons program probably doesn't
have anything to do with our latest invasion of Iraq.
It also serves Iran that by working towards atomic bombs, they're
getting the whole world to sit at the table and make offers. I've
got problems with that, because it creates an added incentive for
other countries to build big bombs.
True enough, SY.
But while Carter and Ehrlich were more or less left by the side of
the road, Richard Perle and his "B Team" were brought back for a
second round.
Wrongness, the really historic wrongness we're talking about, needs
have both degree and scope.
RC, Pro L, you missed the verbs in my post. Yes, Iran had been
working on nukes before the Iraq invasion, but they certainly
stepped things up, didn't they? Yes, Iran was cracking down on its
dissidents before the Iraq War, but they were certainly given a
freer hand.
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