Tim Cavanaugh | May 7, 2006
Lt. Gen. Michael Hayden, America's foremost Kurtwood Smith lookalike and President Bush's probable choice to replace Porter Goss as Director of Central Intelligence, gives a less-than-strict constructionist reading of his all-time favorite amendment to the U.S. Constitution:
QUESTION: Jonathan Landay with Knight Ridder. I'd like to stay on the same issue, and that had to do with the standard by which you use to target your wiretaps. I'm no lawyer, but my understanding is that the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution specifies that you must have probable cause to be able to do a search that does not violate an American's right against unlawful searches and seizures. Do you use—
GEN. HAYDEN: No, actually—the Fourth Amendment actually protects all of us against unreasonable search and seizure. That's what it says.
QUESTION: But the measure is probable cause, I believe.
GEN. HAYDEN: The amendment says unreasonable search and seizure.
QUESTION: But does it not say probable—
GEN. HAYDEN: No. The amendment says unreasonable search and seizure...
GEN. HAYDEN: ... Just to be very clear—and believe me, if there's any amendment to the Constitution that employees of the National Security Agency are familiar with, it's the Fourth.
Video clip, courtesy of reader Les Milton, here.
The Fightin' Fourth, once again, reads as follows:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
En Español:
El derecho de los habitantes de que sus personas, domicilios, papeles y efectos se hallen a salvo de pesquisas y aprehensiones arbitrarias, será inviolable, y no se expedirán al efecto mandamientos que no se apoyen en un motivo verosimil, estén corroborados mediante juramento o protesta y describan con particularidad el lugar que deba ser registrado y las personas o cosas que han de ser detenidas o embargadas.
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Newsflash: Government employees and elected officials don't
understand the Constitution.
In other news: Dog bites man.
So just ask this dork what the meaning of "unreasonable" is. For
instance,
QUESTION: "Gen. Hayden, is it unreasonable to crawl up someone's
ass far enough for them to taste the probe without a
warrant?"
GEN HAYDEN: "Shut up and just tell me what it tastes like,
punk!"
Tim, rendering the Constitution in heathen tongues is unAmerican, and should be outlawed.
I am not attorney either, just a law student, but the general
isn't offbase. If you read the amendment carefully, it is plausible
to interpret it as protecting generally against unreasonable
searches, and specifically setting an independent standard for
warrants. This does not eliminate the incentive for the police to
obtain a warrant.
When the police get a warrant they get the benefit of often being
able to use the evidence they gathered as long as they were
reasonable in relying upon the magistrate's determination that
probable cause to search existed - even if later a judge determines
probable didn't actually exist.
However, if they simply search, and later it is determined that the
search was unreasonable (more or less meaning there was no probable
cause), than the evidence will be excluded.
In other words, if a warrant is issued the search is presumptively
reasonable, if not warrant the search isn't.
Anybody else have a better understanding?
I just took my criminal procedure final a week ago, so we'll
have to wait until grades come in to determine the merits of my
input.
The Fourth Amendment, grammatically, is two independent
clauses.
1. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated.
2. No Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by
oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Given that, is a
warrant always required, or only when it would be unreasonable to
act without one?
So the question is when do you need a warrant. The answer could
plausibly be "never," but, on the other hand, why even have a
standard for warrants if they are never required?
We are actually lucky that, in the 60s, the Court abandoned the
"physical trespass" standard so that we might consider a wiretap a
"search."
Anyway, this is all very esoteric. The point is that the general's
statements offers some insight into where the NSA falls on the
debate: the logically untenable position of never needing a
warrant.
"The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but
upon probable cause,..."
I'm surprised he didn't argue that it only protects people from
searches and seizures--as opposed to just searches.
...or that he didn't say, "That depends on what the meaning of the
word "and" is."
...or that he didn't say that the Bill of Rights only applies to
American citizens.
...or that he didn't say, "Don't you know there's a war going
on?"
...and before the whole list of legal scholars chimes in, I'd like to point out that whether we should allow someone who interprets the Fourth Amendment this way to run our secret surveillance agency is not a legal question.
The more the courts and executive agencies elaborate exceptions
on the reasonableness prong, for reasonable suspicion Terry stops
and frisks and such, the less protection offered by the warrant
requirement and probable cause and the less incentive for police to
seek warrants.
Also, Leon's good faith exception has not been universally followed
by state courts.
There is also the meaning of "in". Any person or package crossing our border has always been subject to search without warrant or cause. I don't see why any communication crossing our border is any different.
Any person or package crossing our border has always been
subject to search without warrant or cause. I don't see why any
communication crossing our border is any different.
...and if it's always been done that way, then it can't be
unconstitutional?
Since they're not seeking/using warrants anyway, they need no
probable cause.
Remember. This is the government which outsources "vigourous
interrogation."
Call me one of those "loony libertarians," but when did we stop
arguing that maybe, just maybe, the Constitution has been
interpreted incorrectly over the years?
I mean, hell, the misuse of the Commerce Clause alone is enough to
question the "legal minds" that have been running this country
sincethe New Deal at least.
...and before the whole list of legal scholars chimes in,
I'd like to point out that whether we should allow someone who
interprets the Fourth Amendment this way to run our secret
surveillance agency is not a legal question.
Of course it is. If he is interpreting it correctly, by which I
mean as the courts have interpreted it (and, sadly, I think he is
correct in that probable cause goes to warrants, not to whether any
search under any circumstance is illegal if probable cause is not
present), then his understanding of the law as it is is no reason
to object to his nomination or confirmation. If he has it wrong,
that's another matter.
General Hayden is absolutely correct. The Fourth Amendment
establishes a reasonableness requirement, not a probable cause
requirement.
Look at the plain text: It says warrants may not issue without
probable cause, but searches and seizures themselves need only be
reasonable. Notice that there isn't any requirement that searches
and seizures be supported by a warrant.
Now, the Supreme Court has explained that searches and seizures
conducted without warrants are usually unreasonable--but not
always. There are several recognized exceptions to the warrant
requirement. I don't know too much about when warrants are
unnecessary in the national security context. But I do know that,
generally speaking, warrants aren't required in time-sensitive
emergencies.
Hmmmmmm, I've just read the 4th amendment again. I do see the
probable cause thingy there.
I view probable the same way I view the word
reasonable. Is it probable that there are people
using phones to engage in terrorist planning? Yes. Is it reasonable
to tap their phones? Yes. nuff said.
If the Constitution has lost its meaning, how about those words
of Jesus in red letters?
Do all words eventually fade to blank like engraving on
tombstones?
THE GODDAMM CONSITUTION SHOULD ALWAYS BE READ IN ENGLISH! NOT
SPANISH!
Fucking Conquistas!
I agree with Law Student #2's analysis and *yuck!* I happen to
agree with the government on this one. The text of the amendment
seems pretty straightforward to me.
Standard for search and seizure: reasonableness
Standard for the issuance of a warrant: probable cause supported by
oath or affirmation
If an executive administration orders searches and seizures that
seem unreasonable, the people may resort to kicking their asses out
in the next election or congress may impeach.
The US Constitution is not entirely a libertarian document, no
matter how much some of us wish it to be. Hopefully, it will be
amended in the future to be more libertarian.
I'm surprised that Cavanaugh sees it differently. Doesn't he have
an English degree? Of course, university English courses focus on
literature. Maybe they should focus a bit more on something that
IMO matters more, like sentence structure.
(I love literature, but I don't see the utility in teaching it at
universities. Then again, I don't see the utility in about half of
the subjects taught at modern universities.)
Con Kiester,
Herrick and his Balls' alter ego is Pro Keester.
All I'm sayin' is: don't drop the soap.
Once again I find myself wondering what this administration's
defenders wouldn't trade for the pretense of security.
If he is interpreting it correctly, by which I mean as the
courts have interpreted it (and, sadly, I think he is correct in
that probable cause goes to warrants, not to whether any search
under any circumstance is illegal if probable cause is not
present), then his understanding of the law as it is is no reason
to object to his nomination or confirmation.
This isn't going to lead to a discussion about jury nullification,
is it?
Really, I'm not interested in the legal implications of advice and
consent--I just note that it throws this to congress rather than
the courts. ...and that those of us concerned about having our
calls screened by the CIA should feel free to contact our
senators.
If an executive administration orders searches and seizures
that seem unreasonable, the people may resort to kicking their
asses out in the next election or congress may impeach.
Out of curiosity, if they are screening every call coming in or out
of the United States, does that seem "reasonable" to you?
Personally, reading through the thing myself for the first time
in years, I agree. There can be no unreasonable searches without
probable cause or warrents (presumably for unreasonable searches)
without probable cause. But reasonable searches don't seem to
require jack.
Which I suppose is how things are now, depending on how you define
"reasonable". If a cop sees me steal something and then run into my
friend's house, he doesn't need a warrent to kick the door down and
yank me out. However if his snitch tells him I'm hiding there, he
has to take that to a judge and see what the judge thinks of "fast"
Louie's information.
I agree that the use of commas makes things ambiguous, one could
also read it that there can't be any unreasonable searches period
and that warrants (for reasonable searches) require probable
cause.
Ken,
That's a tough one for me, and personal. My wife is a German from
Hamburg, so she makes regular international calls to there. I'm
sure they've tapped her calls, since Hamburg was where the 9-11
attacts were partially planned.
I don't think it's different than customs at the border. Like so
many things about the government, it depends upon the consequences.
If the "listeners" are screwing with non-terrorists, I think it's
unreasonable. If they really are trying to focus on terrorist
activities, I think it's reasonable.
Essentially, I think we need serious scrutiny of these "listeners,"
but I don't think the policy is necessarily unreasonable.
My wife feels pretty much the same way, and she is actually
affected by this policy, unlike most people talking about it.
The Real Bill,
Correct me if I'm wrong, but the warrantless wiretaps are illegal
according to FISA, which mandated no domestic surveillance shall
take place without the issuing of a warrant. Wouldn't any
monitoring of international calls - whether reasonable or not -
without a warrant be illegal? FISA, coupled with the Fourth
Amendment, does not allow for domestic surveillance without a
warrant, will shall not be issued but upon probable cause. At least
that's my understanding of it.
Once again I find myself wondering what this
administration's defenders wouldn't trade for the pretense of
security.
Oh puleeze! I've defended a few of the current
administration's decisions where I thought they happened to be
right, but I'm hardly a Bush administration
defender.
Look, if a guy gets put into a position where his job is to apply
the law as it currently stands, it's reasonable to expect
him to know what the state of that law is. It is also reasonable
(if unrealistic these days) to expect him to apply it as
it currently is. Now, does the Bush administration take an overly
broad -- nay, dangerously overbroad -- view of executive
powers? You bet your sweet ass they do. But in this
particular case, asking what the 4th Amendment requires
and getting that particular answer simply doesn't amount to clear
and convincing evidence -- hell, it doesn't even rise to probable
cause -- that Hayden doesn't understand the law or intend to
violate it.
Now, maybe he does. Maybe (maybe even probably), as a Bush nominee
he intends to tow the administration line regarding that expansive
view. My only point was that his failure to read the 4th Amendment
as either you or Mr. Cavanaugh might prefer him to read
it, regardless of how as a matter of positive law the courts have
in fact construed it, does not amount to a smoking gun.
daniel,
I'm not sure if this action is illegal or not. Congress gave the
president broad powers to prosecute the "war on terror". When laws
conflict, I suppose that it's a case for the courts. FISA may need
to be updated. The constitution does give broad powers to the
president during times of war. Conflicts between these powers and
the amendments to the constitution need to be decided by the
SCOTUS.
Personally, I'm a rational anarchist (as defined by Heinlein). If a
law is stupid and you can get away with violating it, do so. I
strongly believe that law and morality are distinct, and that laws
are only as good as the justifications behind them. Essentially, I
believe that all citizens (including the president) should ignore
laws that are harmful or stupid.
ruthless ("I wonder where Ruth is?" -- Nick Danger):
Seals & Croft, late 60's or very early 70's, no? I think I have
that LP lying around in storage somewhere.
If you read the amendment carefully, it is plausible to
interpret it as protecting generally against unreasonable searches,
and specifically setting an independent standard for
warrants.
It also says nothing about excluding evidence obtained from
unreasonable searches. The important thing is not what we here
determine the text to mean, but how the courts implement it, after
all.
The courts, in my layman's understanding, have determined that
probable cause is the standard for reasonableness. In other words,
in order for a search to be reasonable, it must either be supported
by a warrant, or, if there is no time to get a warrant, it must be
supported by sufficient probable cause that a court would have
issued a warrant based upon the information known prior to the
search.
The thing that bothers me the most about this is not whether the General's interpretation of the 4th amendment is correct, it's that he didn't immediately disclaim any authority to search on American soil. The CIA is not supposed to confine itself to international intelligence gathering and leave the domestic stuff to the FBI and state authorities.
Karen,
Did you mean to say the CIA is foreign, the FBI domestic?
We shall serve no wine before its time.
Standard for search and seizure: reasonableness
Standard for the issuance of a warrant: probable cause
supported by oath or affirmation
And warrants - "particularly describing the place to be searched,
and the persons or things to be seized" - are authorisations.
Maybe they should focus a bit more on something that IMO
matters more, like sentence structure.
Indeed. The amendment is one sentence. A sentence is a group of
words which expresses one complete thought. The meaning of this
sentence is perfectly clear.
It doesn't take an augur to understand the Constitution.
In Marbury the Supreme Court cleverly took for itself the
power to determine the constitutionality of government acts. But it
has been - from the beginning - specifically the job of the
president to "preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the
United States."
In my opinion this president is, by ordering warrantless searches
and seizures on American soil, violating his oath of office and, in
consequence, should be tried and convicted in the Senate for this
high crime.
yeah, raymond, but look: nobody, really nobody asks for your opinion, so that's that.
BTW, is it "tow the line" or "toe the line"? Doesn't matter;
either works.
A gentle "Aaargh!" It's "toe the line." Toe, toe, toe! It means,
"to conform." Imagine drawing a straight line on the ground, then
having a group of people all line up side-by-side with their toes
touching the line. Like they might do in the British Navy or
something. Everyone standing precisely in place, in perfect
alignment. That is the literal situation that the metaphor is
supposed to convey.
I believe that George Orwell complained about people spelling "toe
the line" as "tow the line" in his essay "Politics and the English
Language."
Editors, bleech! The bane of creative writing! In fact, however, though I thought "toe" was the historical usage, it occurred to me mid-comment that "tow the line" in the sense of pulling together with the team works just as well. So fie on you, Orwell and all other freedom hating, totalitarian metaphor prescriptivists!
In my opinion this president is, by ordering warrantless searches and seizures on American soil, violating his oath of office and, in consequence, should be tried and convicted in the Senate for this high crime.
And what might that crime be? Orderly conduct? As both law students
and the Real Bill have already pointed out, the Fourth Amendment
applies one standard to searches and seizures, and another to
warrants. There is no constitutional prohibition on warrantless
searches or seizures, only on unreasonable ones. Do you really
think that a cop who witnesses a crime cannot arrest the criminal,
without first running off to the nearest courthouse, and then
sprinting back, holding out hope against hope that the perp was too
stupid to flee? Or that TSA can't search the bags of any
prospective passenger who hasn't behaved suspiciously enough to
justify a warrant for his arrest?
Stevo, you are correct that it is "toe", not "tow". My understanding is that the phrase comes from bare-knuckle boxing, when a line was drawn in the dirt and each combatant had to keep one foot up to the line or lose the match.
Administration defenders are using two cute tricks in this
thread:
First, arguing as if the "search" language and the "warrant"
language are wholly unrelated, when in fact they are part of the
same sentence, expressing the same thought.
Second, presenting the exceptions such as exigent circumstances as
if they are the general rule.
The courts, in my layman's understanding, have determined
that probable cause is the standard for reasonableness. In other
words, in order for a search to be reasonable, it must either be
supported by a warrant, or, if there is no time to get a warrant,
it must be supported by sufficient probable cause that a court
would have issued a warrant based upon the information known prior
to the search.
Well put, Crimethink.
If Hayden wants to play with the idea that warrantless searches
requre a lower standard, such a reading would be literally
consistent with the text, but then so would a reading where no
warrantless searches are permitted at all for any reason.
I think the government is already starting to lose on these oddball
anti-terrorism legal theories in court. The more somebody like
Hayden spouts nonsense like this, the more likely it is that
courrent and future court members will teach him a lesson. In other
words, Hayden is being so obtuse it propably helps his opposition
more than his cause.
"...arguing as if the "search" language and the "warrant"
language are wholly unrelated, when in fact they are part of the
same sentence, expressing the same thought."
No, joe, not "in fact" -- just in your opinion. And your opinion,
lest we forget, is somewhat clouded (colored?) by happenstance, cuz
you are a partisan Democratic hack, no?
I believe that the USSR too once had a constitution that
protected the people, and that once Stalin even assured everyone
that, since there were constitutional protections they would all be
safe from the state.
Could this be why Georgie Porgie loved Putin so much?
Warrants? Reasonable? Amazingly Libertarians will have guards
stationed in their houses (in the form of some type of electronic
device), and yet still be debating the meaning and history of
"reasonable".
2+2=5 comrades. Reasonable means whatever the man behind the
curtain says it does.
Joe:
First, arguing as if the "search" language and the "warrant" language are wholly unrelated, when in fact they are part of the same sentence, expressing the same thought.
They're two separate clauses, expressing two separate but related
concepts. To argue that they should be read as though "reasonable"
and "probable cause" were synonymous is to defy reason. You might
just as well argue that the takings clause and the privilege
against self-incrimination should be held to each other's
standards, as they both appear in the same Fifth Amendment, which
also happens to have been written in the form of one great big
sentence.
See my prior comment about TSA only searching the bags of terror
suspects, and then only after obtaining a search warrant, under the
same standards that would have to be met for an arrest warrant.
Everyone else can carry anything they want on the plane, just by
waving Joe's version of the Fourth Amendment. Fortunately, courts
don't buy into that nonsense, but if they ever do, I'm done
flying.
Just sayin, quotes me writing, "...when in fact they are part of
the same sentence, expressing the same thought..."
Here's the language: "The right of the people to be secure in their
persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue,
but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons
or things to be seized."
Looks like the same sentence to me. But that's just, like, my
opinion, may. And being a Democrat, I must be wrong, and they must
be differenct sentences about wholly unrelated topics.
Just sayin' you're an idiot.
Now I'm going to have to do some research. I had always been
taught that the Fourth Amendment, in effect, established judicial
overview of the government's "police power" to search and seize.
Why? Because a reasonable search or seizure required court
authorization in the form of a warrant, except AS DETERMINED BY THE
COURT, in emergency cases where the "probable cause" is also clear
and the government can be confident that the warrant WOULD have
been issued. In those warrantless, emergency cases, there is still
judicial review after the fact, whereby the court can invalidate
the search or seizure (e.g., by tossing evidence out of court or
other remedies).
I learned this so long ago that I have forgotten the basis for the
interpretation. Hence my need to research anew, to refresh my
memory.
I would be interested to learn whether General Hayden agrees that
searches and seizures should be subject to judicial overview, which
for me, seems to be the heart of the matter. His comments on this
topic so far do not inspire my optimism.
joe,
I think at least some of the controversy is related to the question
of which portion of the sentence does "no Warrants shall issue"
belong to. Is it paired with "... shall not be violated" in such a
way that those two things ("... shall not be violated" and "no
Warrants shall issue") require probable cause, or does it stand
alone as the thing that shouldn't be done, "but upon probable
cause..." Here are two copies of the same sentence with parenthesis
and emphasis to show the groupings:
(The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue), but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and (no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized).
I don't have the background to know if either of those parsings
would be the unambiguously clear winner by the authors. RPG might.
I do know enough to see that in each case both "search" and
"warrant" are part of the same sentence, expressing the same
thought. The problem is the thoughts of the two different parsings
are different.
My guess is the sentence was ambiguous when it was written, but if
someone can produce some links with enough background on either
late eighteenth century colonial/American English or this
particular amendment, I'll read them and reevaluate.
Xrlq says, "See my prior comment about TSA only searching the
bags of terror suspects, and then only after obtaining a search
warrant, under the same standards that would have to be met for an
arrest warrant. Everyone else can carry anything they want on the
plane, just by waving Joe's version of the Fourth Amendment.
Fortunately, courts don't buy into that nonsense, but if they ever
do, I'm done flying."
I took my first airline flights during a time when you could carry
a gun, or whatever, onto an airplane. Never had a problem. Flying
was fun. Then, in response to a rash of hijackings in the 70s, it
became illegal to have a gun on an airplane, and authorities began
to "tighten" the security screws in several waves, corresponding to
high-profile airline incidents. Recently, I became intimately
acquainted with a Homeland Security wand, once on the flight out,
and once on the flight back. I'm done flying.
Xrlq,
You are deliberately playing dumb to get the result you want, by
reading the language as if you are wholly ignorant of the need to
acquire a warrant absent compelling circumstances. Pray tell, where
in that language is the statement that a warrant must EVER be
obtained? And yet, I doubt that you would claim that warrants are
never required for a search, and that the clause laying out the
standards for warrants wat tucked in just in case the govenrment
felt like acquiring warrants that it didn't need. Hell, where does
it even define what a warrant is?
Ergo, it is impossible to read the amendment as "plain text" only,
without an understanding of what a warrant is and what it is used
for. Once you allow this understanding into your analsyis (as the
authors of the Constitution did, since they didn't deem it
necessary to define what a warrant is or what it is used for, which
means they assumed their readers would know already), it becomes
impossible to read the second clause as anything but an expansion
of th idea in the first; ie, a description of how to make sure a
search is reasonable.
Also, your airport bag search argument ignores the fact that the
passengers consent to the searches as part of their contract with
the airline. The Fourth Amendment would no more protect a flyer
from having his bag searched than it would protect someone in line
for a concert from being patted down. If you don't like it,
leave.
And what might that crime be? Orderly conduct? As both law
students and the Real Bill have already pointed out, the Fourth
Amendment applies one standard to searches and seizures, and
another to warrants.
Well, if not for that high crime, then one of the many
others. Take your pick. If you thought that Clinton should have
been removed from office for perjury (like I did), then I don't see
any reasonable, consistent standard under which you can claim that
Bush deserves to remain in office. This is a man who has claimed
the right to interpret the Consitution as he sees fit, with no
review by any authority. If he has his way, it won't matter what
the courts say about warrantless searches, it will only matter what
he (or his successors) says about warrantless searches. If
that's not a high crime, I don't know what is.
"Also, your airport bag search argument ignores the fact that
the passengers consent to the searches as part of their contract
with the airline. The Fourth Amendment would no more protect a
flyer from having his bag searched than it would protect someone in
line for a concert from being patted down. If you don't like it,
leave."
Except that it's not part of the contract with the airline. But,
hey, why let the facts interfere?
Except that it is part of the contract, jeffiek. It says you and are bags are subject to a search right on the ticket.
Use of the paper to print a government mandated procedure does
not make it "part of" the contract.
Contracts spell out the rights and obligations of the parties
involved.
Or am I contracting with TSA for my flight?
WARDEN: Okay, Rocky, out of the cell. We're going to toss it and
when we find the shiv you used on Big Jim you're going to do 90
days in the hole.
ROCKY: Not wid out a warrant, you don't! Beat it, screw, and get me
my mouthpiece! I know my rights!"
Actually, jeffiek, that isn't so. If clauses are required by operation of law to be in certain sorts of contract (consumer warranty provisions, for example), they're there and enforceable between the private parties.
"Actually, jeffiek, that isn't so. If clauses are required by
operation of law to be in certain sorts of contract (consumer
warranty provisions, for example), they're there and enforceable
between the private parties."
That's my point. The searches aren't a part of the contract between
the flier and the airline. They're there because of law, not
because of agreement between the contracting parties.
Perhaps so, but it is simply wrong to insist that they are therefore not part of the contract. Some idealized sense of what contracts should be, perhaps, but in the real world those provisions are every bit as much a part of the contract as anything drafted and agreed upon by the private parties.
"Except that it is part of the contract, jeffiek. It says you
and are bags are subject to a search right on the ticket."
Interesting thought experiment. If I'm contracting with another
private party, and as part of that contract I say that I consent to
a search by the relevant governmental authorities, is that
actually, in and of itself, sufficient consent for the governmental
bodies to conduct the search? I never practiced criminal law, I'm
not sure what current law is. Or does the governmental body have to
make a specific request or can they rely on the contract? Do I even
have the authority to give up a Constitutional right as part and
parcel of a private contract? For some reason here I think the
answer is "No".
Maybe I do not understand the airline industry enough.
"We are actually lucky that, in the 60s, the Court abandoned the
'physical trespass' standard so that we might consider a wiretap a
'search.'"
Why are we "lucky" about that? Seems to me to be a perfectly
appropriate case for requiring a Constitutional Amendment. People
are always griping about "activist courts", but if courts took less
into their own hands then gosh, we might actually have to take some
responsibility for what the Constitution says!
We have allowed courts to make us lazy and complacent as
citizens.
Anon2, the syntactic ambiguity is interesting, but if you read
it carefully, you'll see why it can't be right. As with most
syntactic ambiguities (cf. "the kids are ready to eat"),
common sense suffices to disambiguate. Under either reading of the
Fourth Amendment, there will be two requirements, one relating to
searches and seizures, the other to warrants. Under the traditional
reading, which Tim ripped Gen. Hayden a new one over, the
requirements are as follows:
1. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.
2. No Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
If, however, we were to adopt the other syntactically permissible
reading, in which the probable cause requirement attached to the
entire sentence rather than merely the second clause, we'd end up
with these two requirements, instead:
1. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
2. No Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
Both readings result in the same requirement for warrants, but only
one (mine) results in a coherent requirement for searches and
seizures. The other would still only generally protect citizens
from unreasonable searches and seizures, but once the probable
cause requirements were met, it wouldn't even do that.
Joe:
You are deliberately playing dumb to get the result you want, by reading the language as if you are wholly ignorant of the need to acquire a warrant absent compelling circumstances.
I'm playing dumb?! You're the one conflating three
separate concepts of reasonableness, probable cause, and search
warrants, not me. I'm not arguing for a position I necesasarily
want, but for the only legally, rationally and grammatically
defensible one: warrants and searches/seizures are different.
Pray tell, where in that language is the statement that a warrant must EVER be obtained?
There is no such requirement, at least not explicitly.
Implicitly, however, one could reasonably that the framers
intended to leave the requirements for obtaining search warrants
essentially as they were, i.e., where police could conduct
a warrantless search under common law, they could continue to do so
under our Constitution; and where they couldn't, they couldn't.
Alternatively, there's the general "reasonableness" requirement,
which could be (and typically is) invoked to require cops to obtain
warrants in situations where it is reasonable to require them to do
so, and therefore unreasonable for them to fail to comply. But
there has never been a flat-out ban on warrantless searches, not
before the Revolution, not after it, and not immediately after the
Bill of Rights was ratified.
Ergo, it is impossible to read the amendment as "plain text" only, without an understanding of what a warrant is and what it is used for. Once you allow this understanding into your analsyis (as the authors of the Constitution did, since they didn't deem it necessary to define what a warrant is or what it is used for, which means they assumed their readers would know already), it becomes impossible to read the second clause as anything but an expansion of th idea in the first; ie, a description of how to make sure a search is reasonable.
Nonsense. If the drafters had intended to impose the same
restriction on warrants as they did on searches and seizures, they
could have easily drafted the Fourth Amendment that way. They
didn't, because they didn't want to. They wanted a general
protection against unreasonable searches, but they also wanted a
flat out ban on general warrants, whether our courts thought they
were reasonable or not. That's why the standards are different;
prior to the Revolution, general warrants were a real problem,
while general proclamations of reasonableness were not.
Jim, that's an interesting question. In my comments above I was
really addressing what I take to be the legally operative effect of
those provisions which is to preclude a passenger from taking legal
action against the airline or airport. That was certainly so when
airport security was privately conducted.
But generally only parties to a contract or, in limited
circumstances, third party beneficiaries have any standing to sue
for breach. The government is not the beneficiary here, so it
should have no standing with regard to the contract, itself.
Moreover, it is fairly well settled law that the government cannot
do through its private agents what would be illegal for it to do
itself. (Example: the cops can use evidence a private citizen
discovers under circumstances that would require a warrant if the
cops went looking for it, but not if they tell the citizen to go do
it for them.)
Now that airport security has been federalized, the landscape
changes.
Xrlq,
Do you really think that a cop who witnesses a crime cannot
arrest the criminal, without first running off to the nearest
courthouse, and then sprinting back, holding out hope against hope
that the perp was too stupid to flee?
No, I don't; probable cause exists in that situation. My problem is
with sliding the standard for warrantless searches down from
"probable cause" (ie, a crime clearly has been or is about to be
committed) to "reasonableness" as defined by the would-be
searcher.
CT:
No, I don't; probable cause exists in that situation. My problem is with sliding the standard for warrantless searches down from "probable cause" (ie, a crime clearly has been or is about to be committed) to "reasonableness" as defined by the would-be searcher.
First, as discussed above, there is no explicit "probable cause"
requirement for searches and seizures, only for warrants. The only
two conceivable ways to stretch the "probable cause" requirement to
apply to all searches and seizures is to (1) argue that all
searches and seizures not based on probable cause are inherently
unreasonable, or (2) ban all warrantless searches and seizures. The
problem with the first argument is that it simply isn't true in all
cases. The problem with the second, of course, is that no matter
how good your evidence is, it's not always feasible to obtain a
warrant in time to make the arrest. So we're left with a general
reasonableness standard which, FWIW, usually requires
probable cause.
On the flip side, your argument is off on another point; no one
seriously contends that it's up to the searcher/seizer to decide
which searches or seizures are or are not reasonable. I suppose it
may come to that if Kelo is extended to apply to contexts
other than eminent domain and the takings clause, but there's
little danger of that happening anytime soon.
Let's put aside the quibbles about language for a moment. After
all, there are people on this forum who think that unalienable
rights can be given up, that there are humans who "don't deserve to
live"... So there's no point in my parsing the (crystal clear)
language of the amendment any further.
I suspect the warrantless telephone-eavesdropping is just the tip
of the iceberg. (Echelon was in service well before 9/11, after
all.) I'll bet your government is doing a whole lot of other
interesting things that haven't been leaked yet. Like warrantless
arrests. Like extraordinary rendition. Like disappearances.
And not only on the streets of Europe.
Why, I'll bet you there are people being held secretly in the US
who don't even know what they're accused of.
And how can your government get away with this? Because too many of
you don't know how to read.
If the basis for engaging in a search or seisure that it is
'reasonable', then why would anyone ever need a warrent? Therefore,
why would some of the smartest folks ever to start a country add
the warrent part of the clause?
How about this: The actual search and seizure must be reasonable,
meaning if you are using a 1950 chevy to transport drugs, the govt.
cannot take your house and boat, just the car. If you could be
hiding a murder weapon on your person, the govt. cannot open you up
and check to see if you swallowed it, etc.. That's
reasonable.
But, the second clause means, in all cases, to do reasonable
searches, a warrent is needed, based on probable cause.
Kevin, that's back to my earlier example, where cops can't arrest you on the spot for a crime he personally witnessed you committing, unless he can trick you into staying put while he runs off to the nearest courthouse to obtain a warrant. Is that what you want? Or, more to the point, do you really think that's what the framers wanted?
And how can your government get away with this? Because too many of you don't know how to read.
And why can't we read? Because we are educated by our
government.
Regardless of our opinions on the matter, the Supreme Court says
the standard for searches/seizures is reasonableness, and NOT
probable cause. Further, this reading can sometimes give people
MORE protection than the competing view.
Consider, for example, the Supreme Court's opinion in Winston v.
Lee, 470 US 753 (1985).
In that case, a defendant had suffered a gunshot wound in the
course of committing a robbery. He survived the gunshot, but
doctors left the bullet in his body because they felt it was too
risky to remove it. The prosecution wanted the bullet as evidence
though. So they went and got a warrant, supported by PROBABLE
CAUSE, to have the bullet removed.
The Supreme Court held that they can't remove the bullet. It didn't
matter that the cops had a warrant supported by probable cause. The
standard for a search/seizure is REASONABLENESS. And it's
unreasonable to require a defendant to undergo life-threatening
surgery, regardless of an advanced warrant supported by probable
cause.
It seems to me that, to be reasonable, searches and seizures
ALWAYS need a warrant (= judicial review). Either, 1) wherever
possible, authorities get one in court prior to the search/seizure,
or, 2) on the basis of probable cause, they act first and later
submit to judicial review (including a determination as to whether
it was reasonable to search the actual places or seize the actual
persons or things), risking the prosecution's case (and a lawsuit!)
whenever the judge does not agree that they both HAD probable cause
and LACKED sufficient opportunity to get a warrant ahead of
time.
It is clearly the responsibility of the judiciary to limit the use
of "ex post facto warrants" to cases of true emergency, and to
ensure that abuse of this option always results in meaningful
discipline for the authorities. Everything else needs a warrant
upfront.
Am I completely off base here? And if not, how can General Hayden
be so off base?
Tom says, "The Supreme Court held that they can't remove the
bullet. It didn't matter that the cops had a warrant supported by
probable cause. The standard for a search/seizure is
REASONABLENESS. And it's unreasonable to require a defendant to
undergo life-threatening surgery, regardless of an advanced warrant
supported by probable cause."
You seem to be putting the cart before the horse here -- or at
least unfortunately assuming that others are. It is understood that
reasonableness is the standard, but also understood that probable
cause is a necessary component of reasonableness. (Judicial assent,
a.k.a., a warrant, is necessary to certify a reasonable search or
seizure. Constitutionally, such warrants can be granted only after
the fourth amendment specifications are observed.) Reading the
Fourth Amendment, I see from the language that a search or seizure
that is supported by probable cause might be UNREASONABLE, but a
search or seizure is never REASONABLE without probable cause.
Now, if anyone knows of a court case where the Supremes said that a
search or seizure was reasonable without probable cause, or in
which they established nonsense criteria for probable cause (e.g.,
speaking a foreign language as probable cause for suspicion of
terrorism), then we have a problem. In that case, I'm sure those of
you who are students of the Supreme Court will be quick to tell me
how deep the doodoo is, in which we're standing.
The 4th amendment requires that searches be reasonable. Warrants
issued due to probable cause satisfy the reasonableness
requirement.
However you can satisfy reasonableness in certain ways without
having probable cause. For example you don't need probable cause to
conduct a consent search, yet consent searches are
reasonable.
As the state of the law stands, Hayden is technically correct
(though I bet he intends to hew to the letter of the law rather
than its spirit). But that doesn't change the underlying belief
that we should be suspicious of government spymasters, and willing
to call them out rather than face gradual erosion of civil
liberties.
jeffiek,
That a certain plank in a contrat is required to be in there by the
government does not void that element of the contract.
If you and I sign a contract to pay me minimum wage, you are
contractually obligated to pay me that wage, even if you wouldn't
have put that wage in the contract absent the government's
mandate.
James Merritt-
Actually, the court has said in several instances that it is
reasonable to conduct a search and a seizure of a person without
either a warrant or probable cause. For example, police use a
completely different standard of "reasonable articulable suspicion"
when it comes to stopping someone they suspect who may be in the
midst of committing a crime, and then doing a search of their
person. However, as you say, they have not yet redfined PC to
cheapen the understanding of it in anyway. Rather, they have merely
stated that there are many exceptions to the general warrant and PC
requirements to a valid search and seizure under the 4th.
As some others have said here, I'm not sure that Hayden is showing
a basic misunderstanding of the 4th amendment here. There's an
entire legal school of thought out there that insists that the
framers meant that searches and seizures need to be "reasonable",
but that the default for "reasonableness" is not the requirement of
a warrant. In other words, a warrant requires PC, but a reasonable
search and seizure does not require a warrant.It's true that at one
time the Supreme Court held that the default for "reasonableness"
WAS a warrant requirement, but that's not necessarily true anymore
as the Court has repeatedly carved out exceptions to the warrant
requirement in the last 30 years.
Now, don't take this as a defense of the man. If he merely didn't
understand the 4th amendment, we'd be better off. However, it's
entirely possible that, in line with the typical Bush
administration approach, he is insisting that the NSA will now
interpret the 4th to call for "reasonable" searches and seizures
without a warrant, "reasonable" being whatever THEY, not the
Supreme Court, define it to be. That's far worse than simply
misunderstanding the 4th.
By the way, re-reading some of the comments above, I should say I have no patience of those who insist that the "plain text" of the 4th only requires reasonableness, and not a warrant. If you interpret it that way, then there's absolutely no reason for the framers to have even tacked on the whole second half of the amendment. If you read it that way then the 4th might as well say "all searches and seizures have to be reasonable, and oh yeah, if you do happen to ever use a warrant then that requires probable cause, but it's not necessary to get a warrant so don't even worry about it really." To me it is implicit that reasonableness goes hand in hand with the warrant requirement, and no "textualist" will convince me otherwise.
"Now, if anyone knows of a court case where the Supremes said
that a search or seizure was reasonable without probable
cause."
Here's one: the fleeing felon rule. If the cops are in hot pursuit
of a fleeing felon, they can search any place through which that
felon runs.
For instance, suppose you're a drug dealer and you're sitting at
home, bagging up some pot on your kitchen table. And suppose,
coincidentally, the cops happen to be chasing a fleeing bank robber
through your neighborhood. Now suppose this bank robber runs right
through your front door, through your house, and out the back door,
and is never seen again.
At this point, the cops can barge right into your house and bust
you for the pot that you're bagging up in your kitchen. Even though
they didn't have probable cause to believe that you had pot in your
house, they don't have to pretend that they didn't notice it
sitting right in front of them on your kitchen table.
If probable cause were the standard, the cops would be forced to
turn a blind eye to all sorts of evidence that they came across in
the reasonable course of duty.
Now it's certainly true that the default rules for reasonableness
hinge on probable cause. A search with a warrant supported by
probable cause is presumptively reasonable (though not always, for
example see my comment on Winston v Lee above). And a search
without a warrant supported by probable cause is presumptively
unreasonable (but not always -- there are ten zillion exceptions to
the warrant requirement, which are based on reasonableness and not
probable cause). But the bottom line is still reasonableness, and
not probable cause.
For information on the history behind the Fourth Amendment's
text, check out:
http://supreme.lp.findlaw.com/constitution/amendment04/01.html#4
Consider Madison's original drafting of the amendment:"''The rights
to be secured in their persons, their houses, their papers, and
their other property, from all unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated by warrants issued without probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, or not particularly describing
the places to be searched, or the persons or things to be
seized."
That original text seems to pretty clearly only apply the probable
cause standard to UNREASONABLE searches and seizures. (Of course,
this wasn't the text that was ultimately adopted -- but I can't
convince myself that the adopted text changed this.)
As I read the article, it seems as though this pronouncement of
General Hayden's incompetence is due to pundits misinterpreting the
exchange between him and Mr. Landay.
Mr. Landay's original contention was that
" the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution specifies that you must
have probable cause to be able to do a search that does not violate
an American's right against unlawful searches and seizures."
General Hayden replied
"No, actually�the Fourth Amendment actually protects all of us
against unreasonable search and seizure. That's what it
says."
From his reply, I assume his focus was on Mr. Landay's use of the
word "lawful" in place of the word "unreasonable". As the 4th reads
"unreasonable search and seizure", I can see why he would choose to
focus on Mr. Landay's incorrect use of language.
Mr. Landay responded with
"But the measure is probable cause, I believe."
If you think about it, Mr. Landay's focus here is on the stated
exception to the "no Warrants" rule, "probable cause".
Mr. Landay didn't notice that, in his previous statement, General
Hayden's focus was on the language describing the nature of the
searches and seizures prohibited, and some other feature of the
amendment, such as the "probable cause" exception.
General Hayden responded with
"The amendment says unreasonable search and seizure."
Which is a reiteration of his original point, that Mr. Landay
misstated the language of the amendment.
General Hayden didn't note that, in his previous line, Mr. Landay's
focus was now on the exception, and not, as he assumed, on the
language describing the nature of the prohibited searches and
seizures.
So, what happened in this exchange was that the General and the
Correspondent began talking about two distinctly different, but
related, subjects, both of which were related to the 4th amendment:
the language describing the prohibited type of search and seizure,
and the exception to that prohibition.
It seems to me that, once he noticed Mr. Landry's misstatement, he
continued to reiterate his point that he misspoke, rather than
listen to what Mr. Landry had to say.
What played out here was a simple miscommunication of thoughts. It
doesn't seem fair to blame the General for this, nor to dismiss him
as incompetent.
Hi,
I'm too lazy to sift through comments to see if this National
Review article has been mentioned.
It seems reasonable to me.
http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=ODgxN2VkMzA3MTFjNWFmNzZjNzZiODVlYzI3YTdiZTc=
I'll try that as a hyperlink, though I recall I have trouble
with them here on Hit and Run (or somewhere):
National Review article
Alexander Wolfe: "By the way, re-reading some of the comments
above, I should say I have no patience of those who insist that the
"plain text" of the 4th only requires reasonableness, and not a
warrant. If you interpret it that way, then there's absolutely no
reason for the framers to have even tacked on the whole second half
of the amendment."
It's Venn-diagram logic: There are reasonable searches, and a
subset of those are searches performed under a valid warrant. But
only warrants that meet the stated requirements are valid warrants
that are presumptively reasonable.
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