Julian Sanchez | February 6, 2006
Michael Young argues that the case for democracy can survive even victories by the likes of Hamas.
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Even in Iran, a country where elections have kept
conservatives in power for two decades, voting is bound to lead to
the emergence of more liberal forces once the system has had time
to find an equilibrium and judge the merits of the revolutionary
generation embodied by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
I don't know that we can attribute Ahmadinejad's victory to
Islamist attitudes in the general population. As I understand it,
the liberals weren't allowed to run. And he ran on a populist
platform of redistribution.
I asked an Iranian friend of mine if she thought the people would
soon rise up and drive the Ayatollahs from power. She said that
some people are afraid of what a revolution might bring. After all,
look how well the last one worked out. I guess I can't blame them.
They might wake up the morning after and discover that the
dictators who called themselves Islamists were simply replaced by
dictators who call themselves Nationalists or Communists or some
other sort of -ists that nobody even thought of.
Depressing thought.
I see a new ad to my right that makes me quite intrigued. I guess the carpet humper won't be the only thing giving me a boner when I check out hit and run
Show proper respect, Holy Jared, for Reason's newest editor and writer. Nick made her pose that way to get the job. Tough interview process, let me tell you.
Hooray for the new Reason "Valentine" subscription ad!
It seems our long libertarian nightmare of sweaty shirtless guys is
at last coming to an end. Or at least is being offset somewhat.
I see a new ad to my right that makes me quite intrigued. I
guess the carpet humper won't be the only thing giving me a boner
when I check out hit and run
hey watch your mouth, that is nick's wife you are talking
about.
Michael Young,
...voting is bound to lead to the emergence of more liberal
forces...
I call bullshit on this brand of determinism.
But that's where societies, but also the international
community, must show there is a high price to be paid for
reinforcing intolerance.
Heh. Right. You seem to be under the bizarro delusion that
"tolerance" is some sort of universal value, or a natural one for
that matter.
Elections may indeed represent a final stepping stone for
Islamists to take power, but a controlled, genuine democratic
opening beforehand would allow alternative groups to gain
strength.
This presumes that people of the region share the same values as
Westerners (or at least share the most important ones when it comes
to liberalism) which appears not to be the case.
Iraq's Shiites may vote Islamist, but they also have had the
opportunity to be asked about their views three times in
2005.
That's not really true. Unless you are arguing that slavish group
identity and filial and religious piety are somehow the Iraqi
Shi'ite version of Western interest group politics. As far as I can
tell, it was the leaders of various groups who were asked to make a
decision and they made it and their followers went forward from
there.
It would be very difficult for an autocratic leadership to deny
them this prerogative in the future.
Actually, its quite simple so long as Iraqi Shi'ites share the same
values as they do today.
Finally, there is the march of history.
No such thing exists. Of course its hard for you Hegelians,
Marxists and Fukuyama types to swallow this.
Michael Young,
More to the point, human history is not moving in any particular
direction, there is no plan for us based either on a God, on our
biology or some Rand-like notion of a naturalistic will to
consciousness. Until middle eastern types adopt roughly similar
values to those in the West they will not be like us and our
solutions for their problems will fall like seed on barren ground.
Some of course might view these as highly ethnocentric claims
(which they are), but the fact remains that values like freedom are
foreign to most non-Western cultures and have been throughout the
history of these cultures. Admittedly what one views as important
to value is a rather subjective matter, but your perscriptions will
be fruitless until these people are more like this, and its
unlikely that mere elections will lead to that. Indeed, if mere
elections were what did the trick then Latin American societies
wouldn't have cycled through the troubles they have since the first
successful independence movements in the first quarter of the 19th
century.
hey look at those nice muslim ladies holding that american flag.
What are they doing with it...hey they got siccors...
Oh god no!
;)
None of the mechanisms cited by Mr. Young will work until candidates can run without being shot or their children kidnapped unless they toe the local dogma line.
About democracy in general, how come no parties have won elections in South America that have called for an out and out legalization of the drug trade (Evo Morales is the closest thing, but he hasn't taken the full legalization step). It would solve a lot of crime problems and give citizens a lot of honest income. Would the drug lords who benefit from the illicitness of the drug trade kill off such candidates?
Am I the only one who finds that young woman goes from hot to irresitable by holding the Reason pillow? Yeah, some of my copies of Reason have odd personal stains in them, so what if I'm really turned on by free markets and free minds?
While I'm sympathetic to Mr. Young's views, I see "democracy" in
Iran, for example, as the false democracy of Weimar Germany. Hitler
rose to power by eliminating the competition.
Anyway, democracy is totalitarianism of the masses. Only a republic
based upon a liberal and strongly supported constitution can
protect individual liberty. I suppose a benevolent dictatorship
might do as well; as if that'll ever happen (unless I'm Der
Diktator).
"Democratization cannot come with illusions: for certain
groups it will be an instrument of leverage into positions of
leadership, followed by subsequent efforts to empty democracy of
its meaning. But that's where societies, but also the international
community, must show there is a high price to be paid for
reinforcing intolerance."
Indeed, Mr. Young, but what if they don't?
"Why insist on democracy? First, because the stalemate imposed
by autocratic Arab regimes, particularly secular regimes, will give
at some stage, and may lead to Islamists' seizing authority anyway,
without a pluralistic system in place to create social power
centers offsetting them."
Did we lose the War on Terror before it even began?
I won't support the foreign policy of any administration that
concedes the resources of a nation to terrorists. ...not on the
basis that terrorist domination is inevitable anyway, that is.
I don't know that we can attribute Ahmadinejad's victory to
Islamist attitudes in the general population. As I understand it,
the liberals weren't allowed to run. And he ran on a populist
platform of redistribution.
Kind of. There weren't any Western-style liberals allowed, but
there were people notably less extreme in their views on foreign
policy and social and political freedoms. Even in the final runoff,
the opponent, while no liberal, did try to make outreaches to
social and foreign policy moderates. But a majority of voters cared
more about his wealth and corruption, and Ahmedinejad's Koran-laced
Robin Hood schtick.
I asked an Iranian friend of mine if she thought the people
would soon rise up and drive the Ayatollahs from power. She said
that some people are afraid of what a revolution might bring. After
all, look how well the last one worked out.
I used to think that the mullahs' days were highly numbered, but
now my gut feeling is that no more than 20% of the populace is
serious about wanting a revolution sometime soon. There seems to be
a silent majority of Iranians who have their complaints about the
government, and would generally like to be on good terms with the
West, but at the same time are religious and nationalistic, and
care more about economic issues than anything else. As long as the
mullahs can use their oil wealth to pay for social welfare
programs, and as long as these people have figures like Khatami and
Ahmedinejad to channel some of their discontent with the corrupt
old guard, they're unlikely to revolt.
We can talk about the relative merits of free market and government
solutions to oil dependency all day, but it's undeniable to me that
it's oil money that keeps the Iranian mullahs in power, that keeps
Saudi Arabia mired in the Dark Ages, and that allows the
governments of both countries to directly and indirectly stir up
all kinds of trouble beyond their borders. Cut their oil profits by
a half or 2/3, and keep them at those levels, and the situation
will change dramatically.
Eric-
Makes sense. I know that some people here will conclude that the
Iranian people are all illiberal, enemies of the West,
Islamofascist, foes of fine Danish pastry, blah blah, but I don't
know that we can conclude much about an electorate when their
choices were between a crazy guy posing as Robin Hood and a
somewhat less crazy guy who's known to be corrupt.
About oil wealth, yeah, you're right, we can talk forever about
what to do here in the West, but there's no denying that the oil
money is what keeps the bad guys in power. Now, I'd like to think
that things will improve if they no longer have oil revenue to
depend on. And I'm fairly confident of such a prediction over
the long term. But I wonder if the result of oilgarchs losing
their grip might not be something even scarier.
Which is not to say that I'm proposing a foreign policy that
supports illiberal regimes to keep even worse guys out. The
pro-Western thugs seem to be good at keeping the liberals down.
This makes it easy for the Islamists and other thugs to fill the
opposition vacuum, and they have an attentive audience among those
who are desperate for, well, anything other than the thug in
power.
I have no clue what to do about it, but I fear that things will be
pretty nasty when the oilgarchs fall.
Fuck.
Thoreau,
What will happen ...
There will be a long war. Hundreds of thousands in the US, Europe,
Russia and India will die, millions of Muslims will die. Then there
will be a peace of exhaustion.
If nuclear weapons are involved, change the figures above to
millions and hundreds of millions.
Nostrildamus has spoken.
But I wonder if the result of oilgarchs losing their grip
might not be something even scarier.
In Saudi Arabia, that could easily be the case. In Iran, though, I
think the situation could wind up being like the Soviet Union,
where those fed up with economic conditions joined forces with
those clamoring for a more liberal government to bring down the
system. We saw a hint of that with Khatami (and it should be noted
that oil prices were a lot lower during most of his heyday), but
for multiple reasons, it didn't pan out. Next time around, the
mullahs might not be so lucky, particularly if a more effective
leader exists, and the US and EU handle their diplomacy
better.
And even if the collapse of the oligarchs as a result of decimated
oil profits meant that even less savory elements came to power in
one or both countries, they'd still have much less money to cause
problems with for the rest of the world than the current
governments of Iran and Saudi Arabia have right now.
Eric II, thoreau, etc.,
Your knee-jerk Marxist analysis is something I thought we had
disposed of a long time ago. Societies do not simply stay together
due to mere economic considerations after all. I know its quite
difficult for those of us in the West to admit, but the simple fact
is that the socio-cultural values of these societies are quite
different from ours and that the governments which they have are in
many, many ways a reflection of those values. Oil riches alone do
not keep the House of Saud in power; much like the role played by
English and French kings during the medieval period and into the
Renaissance, it is the willingness of the royal family to live up
to and enforce the cultural values of the people of Saudi Arabia
that is a paramount factor in them staying in power.
Eric II,
As evidence for my statements witness what happened in 1979 when
that socio-cultural role was challenged, when the House of Saud's
role as moral center of the kingdom was challenged.
Your knee-jerk Marxist analysis is something I thought we
had disposed of a long time ago.
And your knee-jerk tendency to read only the lines that you want to
read appears eternal. Where did I write that Iran and Saudi Arabia
would adopt Western-style democracies overnight if it wasn't for
their oil money?
What I did write is that the mullahs remain in power in large part
because of their oil money, and the House of Saud feels no need to
reform because of theirs. Partly because people get less distraught
over limited social and political freedoms when their stomachs are
full, and partly because closed economies in which much of the GDP
is accounted for by government entities (something that can only be
maintained in these countries because of the oil money) serve to
augment the government's power and restrain the public's desire for
said freedoms.
I also noted (and it appears thoreau would agree) that if the Saudi
government was to fall as a result of discontent spawned by
collapsing oil profits, the resulting government could be even
uglier than the current one. Maybe it would go down like Czarist
Russia, with an initial period of liberal reform followed by a
highly illiberal revolution. In Iran, by contrast, I think a
post-revolutionary order would have a good chance of resembling
post-Soviet Russia, in the sense that it would be far from ideal in
some respects, but nonetheless a meaningful improvement over its
predecessor.
Eric II,
Where did I write that Iran and Saudi Arabia would adopt
Western-style democracies overnight if it wasn't for their oil
money?
Nowhere, and that certainly has nothing to do with my
statement.
Yours is a strict and classic Marxian analysis of the nature of
society - economics dominating all other factors in society in
other words. Its something I wholly reject. Of course, it may be
that due to your ignorance you don't realize the nature of what you
are saying. Indeed, that seems to be likely the case in light of
the off the point statement I quoted above.
What I did write is that the mullahs remain in power in large
part because of their oil money...
And in that you are wholly wrong. They remain in power because they
live up to their expected socio-cultural role - a role shared by
numerous monarchies over the centuries. Now if you had read what I
wrote you'd realize the nature of my critique and wouldn't have
thrown an accusation at me regarding a claim that I didn't
make.
Eric II, thoreau, etc.,
Anyway, suffice it to say that yours remains a knee-jerk Marxian
analysis, something which most sociogolists and historians have
come to reject as being overly deterministic and as well as lacking
in verity.
Eric II, thoreau, etc.
More to the point, and something which sociologists and historians
have been pointing out for decades, if economics were the basis of
societal turmoil as you claim, was the basis for societal cohesion,
then the poverty around the planet (and throughout human history)
would set people in such a dire condition into near continous
revolt. But that is in fact not what happens. No, the Saudi regime,
if it maintains its socio-cultural status as a moral center of the
kingdom, could indeed lose much of its economic power and its
ability to create wealth and still remain in power. Indeed this is
evidenced by the dramatic decrease in economic fortunes in the
1980s when the nations' per capita GDP dropped dramatically.
I think one could assert (without being an asshole about it) something to the effect that oil money is a necessary but not sufficient element of the mullahs' hold on power. That would serve as a more effective argument. Or do you not see it as even necessary?
It seems strange to suggest that Americans would be willing to
make the kinds of standard of living sacrifices so many of the
let's-not-buy-their-oil crowd seem to be calling for, especially
considering our own history--see the '70s.
...but I think Hakluyt's right regarding how an oil shock would
effect or, rather, not effect the politics of places like Iran. I
would only add that there are plenty of places in the world where
people would be happy to buy Iranian oil regardless--I'd place the
same countries that assisted the Iranians with their nuclear
technology at the top of that list.
I'm also, quite frankly, a little mystified by some of the comments
I've read (on this board and elsewhere) suggesting that 1) recent
events show that we really are engaged in a struggle to the death
with the Muslim world and 2) that by engaging in some level of
economic breath holding, we can do something about the culture
behind recent events.
"Mystified" is the right word too--please note that by "recent
events", I'm talking about protests regarding Danish cartoons. ...I
don't know what's stranger, the Muslim world's reaction to Danish
cartoons or the reaction of some Americans to the Muslim world's
ridiculous displays.
P.S. I've been commenting on the culture angle in the Fire in
Beirut thread and in the Further Foggy Bottom
Bamboozlement thread.
...continuing with the strangeness, there are many here who've
understood and argued much regarding culture, etc. in Iraq; many
here have, indeed, used these arguments, or variations of them,
against the War in Iraq for years now. Now that something happens
that shows, to my eye, how wrongheaded the Bush Administration has
been in their approach, so many former opponents of the Iraq War
seem so ready to throw in the towel!
As I wrote in one of the other threads I mentioned above:
"I think it's wrong to coerce other peoples to adopt our
culture--even if the culture we're imposing contains the very
foundations of liberty. We have a term for imposing culture on
other peoples; it's called "cultural imperialism", and it's a
fool's errand. That way lies destruction."
I think we're looking at the collapse of Reverse Domino Theory in
action. We should be pointing this out to people--not conceding the
field! We should abandon our President's failed policies and focus
on securing our liberties here at home. People don't always want
what we want them to want. We can prove it--just look! ...Look!
Larry Edelstein,
The notion of the homo economicus simply doesn't bear
itself out when confronted with the evidence. Economic hardtimes
cannot by themselves be expected to bring about societal change;
again, if that were the case then the constant revolt scenario I
described above would have been underway throughout most of human
history.
I think the one thing that's missing from your analysis, Hak, is
the current reality in the West. While we once may have valued
freedom as a culture, that time has long since passed. Now we mouth
the words "freedom" and "liberty" as nearly meaningless phrases
that mean what we want them to. And our politicians reflect this,
when they quote founders to support their anti-liberty
positions.
We (the West) are not moving towards more freedom, we're moving
towards less, and that is a reflection of our current culture. I
can guarantee that if we had a Constitutional Convention today, the
result would be a document that looked more like the EU's or
Iraq's.
Interestingly, the one culture/state that seems to be moving in the
proper direction (albeit starting from a very large hole) is China.
While they may falter before even reaching our current legal
situation, the cultural values there seem to be much more freedom
friendly than here, currently.
In that vein, perhaps the greatest danger to real freedom in the
world are the neo-cons who shamelessly pimp that China is a threat
to our security and seek to turn them into our enemy. If they
succeed, it could have very anti-freedom effects not only our
culture, but on Chinese culture as well.
quasibill,
First of all, the values themselves have always had contested
meanings. Second, in whole areas of our lives we have more freedom
today than we did in the 19th century. This is especially true in
Europe. Now some may argue that we have more regulation of our
economic lives, but that too is a myth, as any perusal of local
government regulation in the 19th century demonstrates. There was
no grand, libertarian period in the past.
"Second, in whole areas of our lives we have more freedom today
than we did in the 19th century."
And in whole others, less.
Imagine what a tax rate of 30% would have been viewed as in the
18th Century?
Realize that police officers, as they exist today, were an
invention of the 19th Century.
Realize that in the early 20th, our population realized that a
Constitutional amendment was necessary for the Feds to prohibit the
sale of a natural product, while since 1971 it has merely taken the
act of Congress, and sometimes less than that.
Realize that the value of a dollar that you saved in 1915 lost 95%
of its value due to the monetization of the country's debt.
For someone who rightly claims that there is no determinism in
history, you sure have a hard time accepting the fact that our
culture has taken many wrong turns in the last 100 years. Have we
also taken some right ones? Yes. But on balance, are we more free
today than then? I'd say no, and we are getting less so by the day,
as our military budget explodes, intergenerational wealth transfers
are fraudulently funded but sacrosanct, and the President claims to
have the authority to ignore the 4th Amendment at his leisure, and
doesn't get immediately laughed out of office for it all being just
the major indicators that pop into my head.
Keynesianism was a wrong turn in intellectual development.
Unfortunately, probably 90% of the Western world follows its tenets
currently, with predictable results that are playing out as we
speak.
I certainly agree that there was no grand libertarian period in the
past. However, it is easy to see that the cultural values that led
to the drafting of our Constitution are no longer widely held in
the Western world. It seems you are confusing the state (which
certainly has NEVER been libertarian) with culture (or more
specifically, widely held cultural values, which despite certain
glaring flaws, were at one time more libertarian than they
currently are).
And to bring it back to the topic at hand, not just
Keynesianism, but the concept of "Democracy as ensuring (classical)
liberalism".
Very few people in the West (outside of perhaps France) over 100
years ago believed that a democratic state, in and of itself, was
superior to an aristocratic state. Today, many, many people,
especially the young, really believe "we the people" = the state.
And you have many people like Mr. Young who seem to believe that
the democracy fairy will sprinkle peace, progress, and free trade
wherever she happens to alight.
We once tolerated slavery, quasibill. We tolerated Jim Crow.
Those things are no longer.
In some ways we're more free, in some ways less. I don't think
they'd throw Eugene Debs in prison for sedition today.
I don't see how any of this relates to a discussion about economics
and toppling the mullahs, but there it is.
Yours is a strict and classic Marxian analysis of the nature
of society - economics dominating all other factors in society in
other words.
Keep saying that if you'd like to. I couldn't care less.
They remain in power because they live up to their expected
socio-cultural role - a role shared by numerous monarchies over the
centuries.
For the House of Saud, which is arguably more liberal than the
populace it rules over, this is true to a large degree. For the
Iranian mullahs, it's not that simple. They came to power through a
popular, anti-monarchial revolution whose fervor has, to a large
degree, died out. They can hold onto power only to the extent that
they have something of a popular mandate.
Right now, the mullahs' mandate comes in part from a fanatical
minority who fully believe in the revolution's ideology, and from a
majority of religious, nationlistic Iranians who are neither deeply
supportive of nor deeply hostile to clerical rule, and are unlikely
to revolt as long as the economic status quo persists.
As I alluded to previously, I think no more than 20% of the Iranian
public (and perhaps less) is at this point willing to overthrow the
mullahs due to their support for Western liberal values, regardless
of what the Iranian economy is like. I think this percentage will
gradually rise, but it'll be a long time before it nears 50%. So
don't throw that strawman at me. If the regime goes down within the
next decade, it'll be because the religious, nationalistic majority
withdraws its popular mandate on account of the regime's economic
failings.
And if you don't think that economic conditions have some bearing
on the mullahs' popular mandate, I'd suggest taking a closer look
at the last three Presidential elections. In the eyes of the
aforementioned majority, Khatami and Ahmedinejad aren't all that
different. One pandered to the country's liberal minority, and the
other panders to its extremist minority, but they're each seen by
the majority as populist challengers to the wealthy, corrupt, old
guard that dominates the economy. The mullahs are well aware of
this, but they allowed them to run anyway because they realize that
they risk losing their mandate if they don't give the public a
means of venting their misgivings. Even at a time when the regime
is swimming in oil profits.
if economics were the basis of societal turmoil as you claim,
was the basis for societal cohesion, then the poverty around the
planet (and throughout human history) would set people in such a
dire condition into near continous revolt.
Another strawman. First, there's a difference between a situation
where a country has long been mired in poverty, and one where it
goes from a state of relative prosperity to poverty. The latter is
usually more volatile. Second, you seem intent on ignoring my point
about the unique impact that a closed economy dominated by
state-controlled entities can have on the political and cultural
environment of a country. Such an economy is bound to augment the
state's control over political life in a way that an economy
dominated by the private sector wouldn't. And it can serve to
prohibit the cultural liberalization that invariably occurs when an
economy is opened up for a prolonged period of time (see China,
India, and even Dubai for examples).
Weaken the dominance of the public sector in an economy, force a
politically authoritarian, culturally totalitarian government to
open up the economy to even partially maintain a country's standard
of living, and combine this all with a popular mandate being
challenged by economic discontent, and the government could be in
dire straits. I figured that a libertarian wouldn't have trouble
picking up on this.
No, the Saudi regime, if it maintains its socio-cultural status
as a moral center of the kingdom, could indeed lose much of its
economic power and its ability to create wealth and still remain in
power. Indeed this is evidenced by the dramatic decrease in
economic fortunes in the 1980s when the nations' per capita GDP
dropped dramatically.
And as I've said before, if the Saudi regime was to fall, it would
likely fall at the hands of those who deemed it insufficiently
Islamic. And being a monarchy rather than the product of an
anti-monarchial revolution, it doesn't have to deal with a popular
mandate issue the way that the Iranian regime does, so the odds of
revolt are indeed lower.
That said, the situation in Saudi Arabia today is a little
different than the 1980s. Back then, the country had only seen a
surge in oil profits for about a decade. This was still uncharted
territory for them. Now, they've been swimming in oil wealth for
more than three decades - an entire generation has grown up taking
it for granted. And Saudi Arabia's population today is much larger
than it was back then. So if this revenue stream was to be
threatened, they could feel some genuine pressure to liberalize to
maintain their standard of living. Which, given the staunchly
Islamist attitudes of the majority of its people, could put the
regime between a rock and a hard place.
I'm also, quite frankly, a little mystified by some of the
comments I've read (on this board and elsewhere) suggesting that 1)
recent events show that we really are engaged in a struggle to the
death with the Muslim world and 2) that by engaging in some level
of economic breath holding, we can do something about the culture
behind recent events.
Can you point to me who's simultaneously made both arguments? I'm
really perplexed here.
"We once tolerated slavery, quasibill. We tolerated Jim Crow.
Those things are no longer."
Which was my point in noting that there were some major flaws back
then. However, slavery (amazingly, not so much Jim Crow, but that's
a long story that involves the evil inherent in "Reconstruction")
was not a widely held cultural value here. It is at least safe to
say that the number of people opposed to it in 1800 equaled those
who favored it. It was a point of conflict. And probably a majority
for whom it was not a major issue, but opposed it on
principle.
What I'm talking about are widely held cultural values that most of
the founding generation held. For example, I doubt you would have
found many who would have signed on for W's Wilsonian mission to
spread democracy. Nor would many have joined in with the Keynesian
economics that are essentially unchallenged in large segments of
the Western population.
These two factors are huge dead ends that we've been hurtling
towards for the last 100 years. We are not improving on these
counts. Quite to the contrary, we're acting like an addict who
needs to hit bottom before he can straighten himself out. And since
the neo-con regime wholeheartedly advocates both dead-ends in a way
few before have (Reagan didn't wholeheartedly buy Keynes, and Bush
Sr. and Clinton didn't wholeheartedly buy the divinity of
democracy, so perhaps the 2nd place award in this category could go
to Carter!), it appears that we are nearing that bottom - although
'near' in this respect could mean anything between 5-30 years.
Eric II,
As usual, you continue to miss the point. Unfortunately I cannot
force the knowledge into your head, you've got to drop those
blinders and accept it on your own.
quasibill,
However, it is easy to see that the cultural values that led to
the drafting of our Constitution are no longer widely held in the
Western world.
I'd say a centralized government which helped to manage the economy
were well in tune with 18th century values regarding the nature of
freedom. That is clearly apparent in Madison's notes on the
Convention.
However, slavery (amazingly, not so much Jim Crow, but that's a
long story that involves the evil inherent in "Reconstruction") was
not a widely held cultural value here.
Yes, it was. In the 1780s 1/4 of all Americans were slaves, while
by 1861 2/5ths of all persons in the Confederacy were slaves. The
Constitution itself is deeply stained with language about and
protection of slavery put into the text so as to mollify the
concerns of states that threatened to walk away from the Convention
if they were not included. You are denying a basic facet of
American society. The United States was a slave society (as that
term is understood by sociologists and historians) up to the Civil
War and slavery was an important aspect of American culture,
economics, etc. up to that point.
It is at least safe to say that the number of people opposed to
it in 1800 equaled those who favored it.
Not true either. By 1800 the abolitionist movement of the 1780s was
dead and the issue of slavery was on the back burner. It was only
again in the administration of Monroe that anti-slavery sentiment
arose again, and this was not largely due to any sympathy for the
slaves but out of a desire to keep slaves out of states so as to
stop free labor competition with slave labor (there were also
concerns as well about the anti-democratic, aristocratic nature of
the slave states and how this might be transplanted to new
states).
As usual, you continue to miss the point. Unfortunately I
cannot force the knowledge into your head, you've got to drop those
blinders and accept it on your own.
Enjoy projecting much?
quasibill,
First of all, I suspect that I am far more versed in the nature of
19th century American society than you ever will be. That is
especially so when it comes to the topic of slavery, something I've
spent a large portion of my life studying.
Imagine what a tax rate of 30% would have been viewed as in the
18th Century?
Let's bust this myth. Apparently you are completely unfamiliar with
the "American System" of Henry Clay (which had many American
intellectual precusors in the 18th century). As I recall, something
like two months of the wages of your average worker went to paying
the tarriffs associated with this program - which was nothing more
than what we would call "corporate welfare" today. This of course
doesn't even speak to the various types of state taxes levied
against individuals.
Realize that police officers, as they exist today, were an
invention of the 19th Century.
Duh, no kidding. Localities had their own enforcers of mores, etc.
which reached far into the lives of individuals - from the clothes
they wore to the statements they made. To be blunt, what the
federal government has done during much of the 20th century was
actually start enforcing economic, etc. regulation of the lives of
individuals once taken on by localities or the states.
Realize that in the early 20th, our population realized that a
Constitutional amendment was necessary for the Feds to prohibit the
sale of a natural product, while since 1971 it has merely taken the
act of Congress, and sometimes less than that.
Actually, prior to the amendment you speak of numerous federal and
state laws were in place which sought to limit the use of various
"natural products," especially things like patent medicines (see
the first Pure Food and Drug Act (1906). Also note that the
Harrison Narcotics Tax Act (1914) (which banned cocaine) preceded
the 18th Amendment by six years.
For someone who rightly claims that there is no determinism in
history, you sure have a hard time accepting the fact that our
culture has taken many wrong turns in the last 100
years.
You misread my statements. I'm not arguing from some Fukuyama POV
about the progress of man, I am simply telling you that your claim
about some unspoiled past is quite erroneous and that the same
currents in society you see today about centralized government
existed amongst many of the individuals involved in the creation of
the Constitution.
I'd say no, and we are getting less so by the day, as our
military budget explodes, intergenerational wealth transfers are
fraudulently funded but sacrosanct, and the President claims to
have the authority to ignore the 4th Amendment at his leisure, and
doesn't get immediately laughed out of office for it all being just
the major indicators that pop into my head.
Most of this could be equally said about the first Adams, the
Lincoln, and the Wilson adminstrations.
...it is easy to see that the cultural values that led to the
drafting of our Constitution are no longer widely held in the
Western world.
Nope, I'd say that the same number of differing interpretations,
etc. of freedom exist today as they did then. What you might get
away with saying is that different currents dominate more today
than they did in 1787, but in light of the Hamiltonian vision and
how influential it was that is suspect as well.
Eric II,
No, I really don't enjoy people like yourself who act the
dunce.
quasibill,
As further example note that laws which regulated speech, dress,
the nature of how one engaged in economic exchange, etc. were much
favored by the likes John Adams and many like him. This is why
Justice Thomas' recent statement regarding medical marijuana is so
bizarre; of course many of the founders would have had no problem
with the regulation and outlaw of marijuana if they viewed it as a
danger to the social order.
And I'm not fond of preening, sanctimonious twits who can't accept any digression from the frameworks, belief systems, and prejudices concocted in their ivory tower-addled minds without responding with a litany of mischaracterizations, strawmen, and infantile labels. But we make do with what we have.
Eric II,
Yes, you have properly described yourself I'd say. You can't
digress from the sort of Marxian analysis which has proven to be
such a failure when stacked against the empirical evidence of how
societies actually work.
Eric II,
Indeed, the more you insist on pontificating your Marxian analysis
the more I get to laugh at you. That you continue to fail to grasp
my critique of your statement, by first claiming that I argued
something which I did not argue, and then following it up with a
long digression based on Marxist analysis bodes ill for your future
ability to break out of such an analysis. But hey, you keep on
explaining all societal change as being based on economics and I'll
continue to laugh at you.
Yes, you have properly described yourself I'd
say.
The projection never ends, does it?
But hey, you keep on explaining all societal change as being
based on economics
Now I'm actually starting to pity you.
Eric II,
Let's test your hypothesis that I am "projecting." Let's see, you
have continued to ignore my argument about the true nature of
societal change, you created out of whole clothe an argument which
I didn't make, and you have been from the start unwilling to accept
what the body of social science and historical research has
concluded about societal change. Yes, you are right, I am
projecting.
Eric II,
If the regime goes down within the next decade, it'll be
because the religious, nationalistic majority withdraws its popular
mandate on account of the regime's economic failings.
Marx couldn't have written it better himself (indeed, your
statement reminds me a lot of what he said about what he foretold
as the reason for a British collapse in India - though the collapse
did not occur for the economic reasons that he discussed).
...but they're each seen by the majority as populist
challengers to the wealthy, corrupt, old guard that dominates the
economy.
Which really says nothing about the economic situation but does
speak to the values associated with proper governance and what
happens when such values - in Islamic societies being charitable is
one value of prime importance - are flouted.
First, there's a difference between a situation where a country
has long been mired in poverty, and one where it goes from a state
of relative prosperity to poverty.
Since Saudi Arabia has sunk from prosperity to poverty since the
early 1980s your point appears to be unproven. Indeed, as
sociological studies have shown its actually the reverse where
revolt becomes more likely - where high expectations regarding
cultural values are flouted then one has a tendency towards revolt.
As to Iran, it has indeed been long mired in poverty.
Eric II,
Finally, regarding the issue of the state dominating and steering
the economy, those are cultural traits long engrained in these
societies, so it is the case that we should expect the same in the
future even if foreign investment continues to flow in as it is in
Iran or China. Indeed, its pretty obvious to anyone who knows much
about Chinese history that they Chinese are following a pretty
traditional pattern of "opening up" seen in many past dynasties,
which is why despite all of the hullabaloo about China it remains
such an illiberal society. India is quite different because it has
far less of a tradition of centralization, indeed such had to be
imposed on India by the British.
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