Julian Sanchez | September 16, 2005
Now that the confirmation hearings have given John Roberts a sense of what it's like to be detained indefinitely under threat of torture, Jacob Sullum wonders whether he'll approve of the practice for putative "enemy combatants."
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�It is doubtful that the Pentagon's jury-rigged military
commissions, which lack direct judicial review and other important
safeguards, satisfy this standard�
Really? This standard under the Geneva Conventions is not the same
under the U.S. Constitution. Further, I don�t see the phrase
judicial review anywhere in the Geneva Conventions. In addition,
the Geneva Conventions explicitly endorses military tribunals in
Article 5 tribunals. An Article 5 tribunal is a hearing before a
panel of officers to determine if a party is entitled to EPW
status. The Geneva Conventions concern the protection of civilians
and other parties such as EPWs who are victimized during the war.
The conventions do not concern themselves with domestic judicial
procedure. Under the conventions, as combatants, Hamdi and Padilla
are entitled to humane treatment and an Article 5 tribunal to
determine their status, which unquestionably will not be EPW status
since they were not uniformed and not following the laws of war
when captured. After they are determined not to be EPWs, the United
States is free to treat them as criminals and keep them as long as
they like under the Convention and only owe them humane treatment.
There may be legitimate reasons under U.S. domestic law to release
or try Hamadi and Padilla like Congress�s failure to suspend
Habeas. Those are domestic reasons however they are not related to
the Conventions. As unlawful combatants Hamadi and Padilla are not
entitled to jack under the Conventions even though they are covered
by them. I wish people would stop pointing to the Conventions when
what they are really talking about is the domestic law issue of
whether and what rights these guys have in U.S. Courts.
'what it's like to be detained indefinitely under threat of
torture"
Well, it beats being dead. The Geneva Convention allows for the
summary execution of captured combatants that violate the
convention itself. The GC is a very no nonsense document. People
who do not clearly follow the convention itself are not protected
by it. Period.
Most people have never studied the GC, nor understand anything
about the pragmatic reasoning behind it. They just shake it like a
talisman whenever they are upset about the behavior of certain
selected warring parties.
The worse thing about such ignorance is that it is effectively
destroying the GC as any kind of workable law (for want of a better
word). By routinely holding only one party accountable for
following the convention regardless of what the other side does,
such people destroy the idea of reciprocity on which the convention
is based.
Jacob Sullivan needs to do some reading.
I'm willing to concede your points on the guys at Gitmo, at
least for the sake of argument: Not on US soil, not US citizens.
OK, fine.
What about Padilla--US citizen on US soil?
Giving a US citizen captured on US soil a speedy and public trial
before a jury of his peers, with an opportunity to examine
evidence, cross-examine witnesses, and call his own witnesses,
seems like a reasonable notion to me.
I think James Madison would concur.
Wait, I already know what the objection will be:
"Padilla's actions aren't ordinary crimes and so he isn't subject
to the ordinary procedures of Article III of the US Constitution
and the Bill of Rights."
OK, let's say for the sake of argument that there is a category of
offenders who aren't subject to those requirements. How do we know
that Padilla is in that category?
Well, the obvious reply is that the government said so.
OK, fine. How do we know they're not mistaken? The best way to be
sure is to examine some evidence and give him a chance to contest
it. And if his defense doesn't stand up, then he can be thrown into
whatever hole his category of offender is destined for.
How will we do that? Well, it might introduce a dangerous conflict
of interest if the evidence is examined by the same branch of
government that's accusing him. And Congress probably isn't suited.
So we might need a third branch of government.
I would like to ask James Madison's opinion on this, but he's dead.
Perhaps he left behind some sort of official document with
guidelines for this sort of thing...
Wait, I already know what the objection will be:
"Padilla's actions aren't ordinary crimes and so he isn't
subject to the ordinary procedures of Article III of the US
Constitution and the Bill of Rights."
You do a good job of explaining the problems if you accept such an
argument, but I'm just not willing to. US citizen, US soil, not
captured on a battlefield.
In all seriousness, the guy should be charged or released -
now.
Eric-
I wasn't really accepting that premise. I was just saying that even
if you do accept the premise, there should be some method for
avoiding mistakes. And one good method for avoiding mistakes would
be due process and jury trials.
Really, the Padilla case is, IMHO, the most important issue before
our courts right now. If Padilla doesn't get a trial, then I truly
fear for the future.
Thoreau,
You make good points about domestic law. My only point is that
whatever protections Padilla has comes from domestic law, not the
Conventions and I wish people would stop confusing the two.
John-
I've very rarely said anything about the Geneva Conventions. Even
when discussing the guys at Gitmo I've based my arguments on
concerns about the possible dangers inherent in our policies rather
than the Geneva Conventions.
...the confirmation hearings have given John Roberts a sense
of what it's like to be detained indefinitely under threat of
torture...
Interesting choice of words. Similarly, Nat Hentoff asks in his
latest column, has
any present Supreme Court justice seen a cop lying on the witness
stand?
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