Julian Sanchez | June 6, 2005
With the help of international law, the Supreme Court psychically communed with the American zeitgeist and discovered some sort of latent consensus that executing juvenile criminals is "cruel and unusual." Letting people suffer because pot is baaaad, mmkay? Apparently, in light of the 6-3 decision in the Raich case today, that's cool. It's also, mystifyingly (though, given Wickard v. Filburn, not at all surprisingly) the government's prerogative under the Interstate Commerce Clause, even when the medical marijuana in question is grown and consumed within the borders of one state.
Update: The opinions are here. Thomas lays it out pretty succinctly in line one of his dissent:
Respondents Diane Monson and Angel Raich use marijuana that has never been bought or sold, that has never crossed state lines, and that has had no demonstrable effect on the national market for marijuana. If Congress can regulate this under the Commerce Clause, then it can regulate virtually anything--and the Federal Government is no longer one of limited and enumerated powers.
Of course, he could've written precisely the same thing about Wickard. NORML has a response up with links to further information.
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So, since the Feds can apparently regulate anything they want to via the Commerce Clause, why do we have State Government?
It's not all that mystifying when you consider the last 100 years of commerce clause interpretation. In the established way of thinking, "To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes" and "To stop sick people from inhaling the smoke of certain leaves" are virtually identical statements.
"It's not all that mystifying when you consider the last 100
years of commerce clause interpretation. "
Right. Hence the clause right after that: "though, given Wickard v.
Filburn, not at all surprisingly"
Remind me again who was surprised by this. From Yahoo:
http://tinyurl.com/bv5av
The most sickening part of the article is this gem from Justice
Stevens: "Our cases have taught us that there are some unscrupulous
physicians who overprescribe when it is sufficiently profitable to
do so." Individual personal rights are fucking dead.
Thomas and Rehnquist joined O'Connor in the dissent. We might be losing two of those three this year.
This is the most unbelievable load of horseshit I've ever seen. What the fuck are they thinking? There is absolutely no way to read the Commerce Clause to permit it to regulate medical marijuana in this case. None. This makes me throw up in my mouth.
The Supremes took the highly principled position that the federal government may only regulate activity that involves interstate commerce, or is something they personally disapprove of.
Can anyone report on any efforts in the US Congress to respond
to this?
Surely somebody there will.
The Congressional response will be something along the lines of "Woohoo! The Supremes said go to it, boys! Lets see who can get the most draconian bill on the docket!"
It always pisses me off when judges use the kind of logic dave b
quotes from Justice Stevens. Where the hell do they get the idea
that they're supposed to judge a case based on whether a law is
good legislation or not? That's up to the damn voters and their
damn representatives! Justice O'conner gets it right (from the NY
Times): O'Connor said she would have opposed California's
medical marijuana law if she was a voter or a legislator. But she
said the court was overreaching to endorse "making it a federal
crime to grow small amounts of marijuana in one's own home for
one's own medicinal use."
Also from the NY Times:
The legal question presented a dilemma for the court's
conservatives, who have pushed to broaden states' rights in recent
years, invalidating federal laws dealing with gun possession near
schools and violence against women on the grounds the activity was
too local to justify federal intrusion.
Thus, the slim thread of hope we had. Still, as others have said
(including Julian), it was hardly surprising. From what I
understand of the case, I'm guessing there was no way to rule in
favor of medical marijuana without throwing out all federal drug
enforcement, and it's hard to imagine the Court having the cajones
to take on that sacred cow.
Scalia wrote his own concurring opinion. It'll be interesting to see how he justifies a decision that seems to go against his entire judicial philosophy. Of course, this isn't the first time he's done that.
Ruthless, the Marijuana Policy Project is going to introduce
another Hinchey-Rohrabacher bill again this year to stop the
justice department from using federal funds in medical marijuana
enforcement cases in the states with medical marijuana laws on the
books, and it'll go down in flames again this year.
From the decision (Courtesy of Volokh):
Thus, as in Wickard, when it enacted comprehensive legislation
to regulate the interstate market in a fungible commodity, Congress
was acting well within its authority to "make all Laws which shall
be necessary and proper" to "regulate Commerce . . . among the
several States."
Any legal scholars want to explain why the law passed that brought
Wickard to court was "necessary and proper"? Wasn't the whole idea
that the federal government raised the price of wheat in order to
help wheat farmers at the expense of everybody else? Could a brotha
get some equal protection?
Here's the decision, along with the majority opinion, Scalia's concurrence, and dissents from O'Connor and Thomas.
Our judicial masters have spoken. Case closed, end of debate. So
people voted for this in several states? Tough.
Don't forget that many of you applaud when the Supremes override
legislative acts and referendums that you don't agree with. Don't
hear any applause now.
My favorite part:
Stevens said there are other legal options for patients, "but
perhaps even more important than these legal avenues is the
democratic process, in which the voices of voters allied with these
respondents may one day be heard in the halls of Congress."
*HOW*???
How many states have voted to let patients smoke? Have we even
gotten one inch closer to making Marijuana a schedule II drug?
"Don't forget that many of you applaud when the Supremes
override legislative acts and referendums that you don't agree
with. Don't hear any applause now."
And how often do they do that compared with how often they vote to
rescind your rights, shit on the Constitution, and broaden the
nanny state?
From Thomas' dissent:
Respondents Diane Monson and Angel Raich use marijuana that has
never been bought or sold, that has never crossed state lines, and
that has had no demonstrable effect on the national market for
marijuana. If Congress can regulate this under the Commerce Clause,
then it can regulate virtually anything -- and the Federal
Government is no longer one of limited and enumerated
powers.
"And how often do they do that compared with how often they vote
to rescind your rights, shit on the Constitution, and broaden the
nanny state?"
They do that way too often, which is why I (and many conservatives)
object to judicial supremacy in this country.
I'm with everyone on this. It's a crappy ruling. But other than
bitching and moaning, what can be done about it? Go to Congress?
Supremes can overrule that. This is where judicial supremacy has
taken us. It's not pretty.
Eric,
You have it all ass-backwards. Nothing about this case has anything
to do with Judicial supremacy. In fact, the Judiciary decided
not to act! One could argue that it's about federal
supremacy, but even in that respect, no one here is (to my
knowledge) disputing federal supremacy on matters where the federal
government has legitimate authority. What most of us (or at least
me) are arguing is that federal drug enforcement is justified on an
overbroad reading of the Commerce Clause. This has nothing at all
to do with Judicial supremacy.
What most of us (or at least me) are arguing is that federal
drug enforcement is justified on an overbroad reading of the
Commerce Clause.
Allow me to clarify that I meant that federal drug enforcement is
being justified by the court based on an overly broad
reading of the Commerce Clause.
Eric, if you think that this is a bad decision, wouldn't you be
supporting Judicial supremacy over the will of Congress?
The excerpts in Orin Kerr's post on the Volokh Conspiracy seem
to admit the rough summary that "interstate commerce" is synonymous
with "commerce". Unsurprising after Wickard, yes, but still
painful...:-(
And I predict more pain, metaphorical and physical, from the way
that as one hand of the ACLU works tirelessly to document the
flagrant lawlessness of violating what anti-torture laws and
treaties mean, the other hand tirelessly works for the principle
that in their client, the Constitution, meaning is to be understood
as -- oops! just remembered JS doesn't like half-assed references
to pomoism! -- surrealism. E.g., the qualifier "well-regulated" in
one clause is to be understood as modern "regulated" and to swallow
the entire sentence, while the qualifier "interstate" is to be
elided. But the principle does not apply to prohibitions on
torture, those are entirely different! (nor the penumbra!)
Ouch.
By 7:30am PDT I was on the phone to Representative Lois Capps's
(D-CA) office urging passage of HR 2087.
I encourage you to call your congresscritter at 202-224-3121 and
tell them "I'm calling about H.R. 2087, the State's Rights to
Medical Marijuaua Act. I'm asking representative ___ to SUPPORT
this bill."
This is especially important if your member is on the Health
subcommittee, as listed here:
http://energycommerce.house.gov/108/subcommittees/Health_Members.htm
Use some of those free cell phone minutes TODAY!
**The excerpts in Orin Kerr's post on the Volokh Conspiracy seem
to admit the rough summary that "interstate commerce" is synonymous
with "commerce". Unsurprising after Wickard, yes, but still
painful...:-(**
They were GIVING it away. How the hell does giving something away
as approved by state law have anything to do with
"commerce"...?
In retrospect, I appear to have made the incorrect assumption that
the Supremens might take into account the meaning of words when
crafting rulings.
Fyodor,
This is about judicial supremacy because there is no recourse. If
Congress passes some law that effectively overrules this, the
Supremes can squash it. A future court could overrule this, but
it's now a precedent, which makes it that much harder.
This is a bad decision on the merits. What makes it worse is that
there is not a whole lot anyone can do to fix it. Our nine masters
have spoken.
Eric,
Your logic is circular. By your logic, there is no reason to have a
Supreme Court.
Not that the court isn't trying very hard with this decision to
make themselves irrelevant on their own...
Eric, if it's not judicial supremacy, it would have to be
legislative or executive supremacy. Considering that the
legislative and executive powers are positive, I'd much rather the
supremacy rested at the feet of the judiciary rather than the other
two branches of government.
Face it, one of those branches will always have to be the last in
line when it comes to bad laws, and the executive sure as hell
isn't going to refuse to enforce a law to put more people in jail -
that's exactly why we've come to the point where we see the
judicial branch as being last in line for preserving liberty.
Being pragmatic on this front, I'm glad we have judicial supremacy
because, for the most part, their impact is largely negative. If
you want to complain that this is an unjust law - go petition the
legislature to repeal it, or the executive to not enforce it.
Instead, you lay the onus on the judiciary and call it supremacy,
when they are merely refusing to be 'activist' and overturn
pre-existig laws.
Looks to me like all that 'activist' bullying is paying off. I'm
guessing that the government we deserve is already pretty firmly in
place.
No real suprises here. Hell the entirety of the BATF lives in
your backyard for the express purpose of imprisoning people who
can't figure out their booze taxes. You can go and buy wine and
brandy and drink them but just buy the wine and distill it into
brandy and you have gone too far. Feel free to insert beer and
whiskey as your taste desires.
Alas, I'll never be able to distill fermented tobacco for that
alcohol burning machine gun that I've dreamed of making since I was
a kid.
As a minor sidepoint, The
Respondent's brief in Raich actually contains a very
nuanced reading of Wickard .
Anon
So why do so many (L|l)ibertarians like Scalia? Because he
CLAIMS to be an originalist? He is nothing but a lying, biased,
sophist seeking ways to justify his prejudices in the Constitution,
just like every other statist pig that's been on the court since
the cowards in FDR's time cringed at the threat of court
packing.
I wonder if we embossed the Bill of Rights, with pre-able, onto a
2x4 and slammed it into his forehead, he might start to understand
it? Nah.
tom, I didn't used to put much creedence in your point of view regardig Scalia. But now...
Eric,
If Congress passes some law that effectively overrules this,
the Supremes can squash it.
Uh, yeah...but you can say that about anything the Supreme Court
decides! If you're against all judicial review, well fine. I
disagree but that's a discussion for another day. My point is
that it's a discusion for another day! No one here (that I
can tell) has said that the Supreme Court's decision is wrong
because all Supreme Court decisions are supreme. Thus, no one here
is guilty of the charge of hypocrisy that you leveled at all and
sundry.
I wonder if we embossed the Bill of Rights, with pre-able,
onto a 2x4 and slammed it into his forehead, he might start to
understand it? Nah.
Careful, Tom. Some of the delicate flowers in the commentariat here
(yeah, I'm looking at you, joe, and you, gaius) get the vapors at
seeing such indelicate language in the comment section of
libertarian blogs.
RC Dean and Tom,
I don't mean to join the likes of joe and gaius in taking such
comments out of their figurative context, but I gotta admit, using
violent imagery hardly helps anything.
BTW Eric,
Your position seems to be that this decision is wrong
because if Congress were to reverse itself, the Supreme
Court could then overrule Congress's new legislation?
Incredible. To call that a stretch would be an understatement of
severe magnitude.
No Eric, what actually did happen (as opposed to your
irrelevant future hypothetical) is that the Court decided
not to overturn a federal law, pure and simple. To call
that an instance of judicial overreaching makes no sense.
That judicial supremacy could have an effect on the issue
in the future has no bearing on this particular
decision!
Jeez, why do I bother?
Eric,
Look at it this way, if judicial review (which is what makes the
judiciary supreme) were not recognized by the Supreme Court, it
would have simply dismissed this case without even hearing it! The
result would have been exactly the same!
OTOH, if the other branches of government simply did not recognize
the judiciary's supremacy, then nothing the Court decides matters
anyway! Personally, I think we're damn lucky to have a system in
which a Court can tell the other branches of government they've
gone too far -- and those other branches actually listen! It's too
bad the Court didn't do that in this case.
Fuck Scalia. I have heard the guy speak, and if you didn't know better you could actually convince yourself that he has integrity and a judicial philosophy that he sticks with. I never thought I would see the day that I praised Thomas, but here it is. He and the other two at least have the guts to follow the Constitution even when it leads somewhere they don't personally approve of. Goddam.
"As the Court explains, marijuana that is grown at home and
possessed for personal use is never more than an instant from the
interstate market�and this is so whether or not the possession is
for medicinal use or lawful use under the laws of a particular
State." Scalia
Funny, I didn't remember the part of the Constitution where
Congress is given the right to regulate commerce an "instant" away
from interstate market. Originalist my ass.
To fyodor and others who seem to see no principle here...
I think it's meaningful to support the idea that judges' power to
declare things unconstitutional should be limited to the tricky,
ambiguous, and/or unanticipated cases. Within that slop, I'd
strongly prefer that they go for libertarian options, but I prefer
even more strongly that outside that slop, where the law is clear,
they not make a mockery of the rule of law. Frex, I oppose alcohol
prohibition, but once it was written into the Constitution, I'd've
been angry at a judge who tried to claim that the Feds (still)
didn't have the constitutional power to do it. I also oppose a
government monopoly on mail, but it doesn't seem particularly
unreasonable to read the Constitution as authorizing it.
What we're upset with is interpretations so goofy that they would
never occur to people reading the literal text of the law unless
they supported the political faction to which the interpreter
belongs, and didn't give a damn about the law. Torture isn't
torture unless it causes organ failure; separate is equal; commerce
is interstate commerce; commercial or political speech is not
speech...
I think written, unambiguous law is a great thing; lots of serious
people agree, and most people at least give lip service to the
idea. But once people -- judges or anyone else, including the
legislators voting for stuff like this, or executive types
ostensibly enforcing law -- are allowed to interpret written
commitments so perversely, it's not clear what's left of the idea
of rule of law. Of course, we still have the standard 5000BC
fallback political technology of rule by man, but I don't consider
that to be an entirely satisfactory replacement.:-(
So, Eric, let me ask you this:
Say that Congress repealed the drug laws. (Yeah, I know, I'm
dreaming.) Do you think the Supremes would order them to reinstate
the drug laws?
If not, then this is not judicial activism. This is just a matter
of deferring to Congress.
But once people -- judges or anyone else, including the
legislators voting for stuff like this, or executive types
ostensibly enforcing law -- are allowed to interpret written
commitments so perversely, it's not clear what's left of the idea
of rule of law.
It took about 150 years, starting with a Bill of Rights that reserved to the states and the people all powers not explicitly delegated to the federal government, to produce a Supreme Court willing to rule that growing corn to feed to your own hogs is interstate commerce and can therefore be regulated by Congress. ... As Murray Rothbard is supposed to have said, the idea of a limited government that stays limited is truly utopian. Anarchy at least might work; limited government has been tried.
David Friedman, The Machinery of Freedom
MP, Fyodur, RCDean,
Surprised at Scalia? Delicate Flowers in an LP blog? "using violent
imagery hardly helps anything"?
Hoo boy, Youda thunk I said something horrible, like "War Freed the
Slaves", or, "Guns save lives" or "First thing we do, is kill all
the lawyers", or something.
Heck, it was pretty clearly a rhetorical use of imagery, to me
anyway. Sort of like saying you need a 2x4 to get the attention of
a mule.
But, after attending a few LP natCons, various LP stateCons, and
reading L.P. sites since pre-internet BBS days, reading all sorts
of Libt. Lit. for the past 3 decades giv'r'take, I am hardly
surprised.
None of the justices are perfectly consistent with the big C., but
Scalia is arguably the most over-rated of the bunch as far as
consistency goes. He would rule in favor of state supported
churches, warrant-less searches and state control of the press in a
heartbeat if he could find a way.
I have more respect for O'Connor and Thomas than for Scalia, but
that isn't saying much.
Tom
that's exactly why we've come to the point where we see the
judicial branch as being last in line for preserving liberty.
well said, mr metalgrid.
delicate flowers
just trying to cling to that last shred of civility, mr dean.
:)
on scalia -- i think the basis of scalia's involvement in
constitutional originalism (or even originalism itself) has to be
seen from a certain point of view to be understood properly (and,
btw, entirely consistently in this case). i've written
at length about it, but the synopsis is this:
scalia's desire is not originalist per se, but
majoritarian. his affiliation with originalism -- which is
a fundamentally ahistorical movement, despite its name and intent
to misappropriate history as a basis for nakedly ideological action
-- is only to the extent of reducing the power of the court to
uphold law and tradition that interferes with
plebiscitarianism.
he sees the court as elitist and insensitive -- as it was indeed
designed to be -- to the will of the people, something he claims as
being expressed in the congress and the president. what he can do
to reduce its influence in the balance of powers, it seems he
does.
it's critical, i think, to understand mr fyodor's point about this
decision being a refusal to act to abrogate the will of the federal
government. scalia's intention is not to expand the power
of the court but to destroy it.
there's obviously little about that which is either conservative or
original to the founders. but it is perfectly consistent with the
tenets of neoconservatism, which is based in rousseauian/jacobin
ideology of lawless antitraditional populism -- the mass politics
so well used by the fascists and others in history to upset lawful
governments with people power. i think it goes without saying that
the ideologues who support such notions of "government" see
themselves as the primary arbiters of the "will of the
people".
But once people -- judges or anyone else, including the
legislators voting for stuff like this, or executive types
ostensibly enforcing law -- are allowed to interpret written
commitments so perversely, it's not clear what's left of the idea
of rule of law.
exactly, mr newman. we are witnessing in these decisions by the
court not to limit the authority of congress is the devolvement of
the rule of law into government by popular fiat -- which, of
course, is but a quick slip to tyranny.
Bill Newman,
To fyodor and others who seem to see no principle
here...
Huh? True, I do not see the issue of "judicial activism" (as best
as I can understand the term) as applying here. OTOH, the principle
of enumerated powers very much applies.
I think it's meaningful to support the idea that judges' power
to declare things unconstitutional should be limited to the tricky,
ambiguous, and/or unanticipated cases.
Are you saying that judges should not declare laws
unconstitutional when they clearly so? Did you mean that
judicial review should be limited to cases that are not
"tricky, ambiguous, and/or unanticipated cases"? If not, I sure
don't understand you.
gaius,
I'm not so sure Scalia's philosophy is as simple as you posit,
since he did vote against the govt in the Hamdi enemy
combatant case.
Of course, his position in this case is shameful, but I chalk it up
more to personal blindness on this issue than to a consistent
philosophy of majoritarianism.
This is about judicial supremacy because there is no
recourse. If Congress passes some law that effectively overrules
this, the Supremes can squash it. A future court could overrule
this, but it's now a precedent, which makes it that much
harder.
Isn't that just a case where Congress can exercise it's
constitutional power of limiting the jurisdiction of the SCOTUS?
I'm not sure I'd dub this case judicial supremacy either, given
that they're not "legislating from the bench", but rather upholding
an existing federal law. One review I read said that it would have
been easy for the SCOTUS to overturn this particular application of
a particular federal law while leaving the rest standing (though
Wickard
IMO is a pretty lousy basis for which to say that something is
constitutional or not).
Rulings such as the majority's in this case are prime examples
of what I call "dragging the pivot foot". Take a legitimate
justification and stand on it, and you can pivot by moving the
other foot as with a basketball. But then where that other foot
lands, take that as a new basis, and drag the pivot foot
to elsewhere, and soon you're just plain walking with the
ball.
Congress gets the power to regulate commerce among the several
states and with the Indian tribes, and then uses that power to try
to reduce use of certain substances. But then that
objective becomes the new basis, and the court decides that the
interstate commerce linkage is an impediment to it, so that foot
can be moved, forgetting that that was the original
justification.
Also, establish a class or category of activity or article
and legislate according to some characteristic of some member of
that class, and then you can step outside that circle as long as
one foot remains inside.
There's an enormous amount of "walking" the majority allowed for
here, just by alternately deciding one foot, and then the other,
was a basis.
Ya know, if Wickard's a basis here, then the majority implies that
the purpose of the CSA is to enrich interstate drug dealers at the
expense of home growers.
Robert
Exactly, RG.
The civic objection here is not to the expansion of judicial power;
it is not even really to the failure of the judiciary to properly
check the expansion of legislative power.
The civic objection here is to how this decision in fact actively
expands the power of the federal legislature.
Since preventing such is one of the most fundamental
responsibilities of the SCOTUS. . .
. . .or, well, it's supposed to be, at least.
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