Brian Doherty | October 28, 2004
Dahlia Lithwick over at Slate points out that, even if anomalies with Tuesday's presidential election send its final solution all the way to the Supreme Court, the Court can--and should--just refuse to take it.
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If they bow out and allow a Kerry win, fine. Refs do make-up
calls all the time to right a previous wrong.
However, if they bow out and Bush wins, the Supreme's credibility
will be demolished. I don't think they'll do that.
As far as the John Marshall quote goes, the courts should have
the power to enforce their decisions. Most of those decisions are
about curtailing the power of the executive, or ordering it to do
things it didn't want to do. What sense does it make, then, for the
authority to enforce (or not enforce) the courts' decisions to lie
with that same executive?
The federal marshalls should work for the judicial branch, not
Justice.
Lithwick also fails to seriously address the circuit split issue. Quite a few of the potential problems (like polling place challenges) could happen in multiple circuits. If the Supremes refuse to resolve a circuit split on something of this magnitude, that would also be a severe blow to their credibility, regardless of who the final winner is.
If the margins are decisive then all this will be moot.
If the margins aren't decisive then it will be appealed to the
Supremes. And even though I would respect them for refusing to hear
the appeal, the fact is that half of the country will interpret
that refusal as a ruling in favor of the other guy. I'm not saying
they should take the case on those grounds, I'm just saying that if
the appeal reaches their doorstep the damage to their reputation
will already be sealed, sadly. A lot of people, however rightly or
wrongly, interpret a refusal to intervene as a de facto
intervention in its own right.
Here's hoping for a clean and decisive outcome. I don't necessarily
mean huge margin (that's probably too much to hope for), but 2% in
every state, one way or the other, would all but guarantee an
undisputed outcome.
I agree with thoreau, the best thing we can possibly hope for is
a clear winner.
I don't like the Supreme Court deciding elections. I'd like it even
less if an army of lawyers becomes the best method of winning an
election. All these threats of litigation from either side just
don't sit well with me.
While some of the people who are upset by the Bush v. Gore
ruling would be upset by any scenario that gave the election to
Bush, there is a whole crop of us who would have taken a "we'll get
'em next time" attitude if the decision was backed up by reasoning
that passed the legal laugh test.
First of all, a judge can't just declare that his ruling won't
serve as a precedent. Cripes, can anyone track down another
decision in which a court tried to pull that off? If the reasoning
isn't sound enough to decide future cases, why is it sound enough
to decide this one?
Second, the temporary injunction: TIs are issued by a court when it
takes a case, and there are two findings which must be met to
justify them. First, waiting until the final ruling for relief must
be likely to result in serious damage. Second, the court must find
that the applicant is very likely to prevail.
So what was the serious damage that might occur if the recount
wasn't stopped? The court found that a decision that awarded
Florida's EVs to the candidate with the lower vote total in the
recount would result in people "casting aspersions" on the
legitimacy of George Bush's presidency. That's not significant
harm! And even if it were, their injunction did nothing to stop
that. As for the second part, how could they find that Bush was
very likely to prevail, when the final count was 5/4? Was the
argument of the Bush camp (the one that led to a finding which is
so weak that it shouldn't be used as a precedent) really so strong
that the decision was obvious on the merits? Or does it have
something to do with the partisan makeup of the court?
At the heart of the ruling was the finding that someone in Brevard
County would have his rights infringed on if the votes in
Miama-Dade were tallied more accurately - not more accurately than
in Brevard County, mind you, just more accurately than they had
been tallied in the initial count. Even if there was no indication
tht there were any inaccuracies in the count for Brevard County. I
had no idea that people in wealthy suburban counties had a right to
see their urban counterparts' votes miscounted, but apparently I
missed class that day.
Finally, Scalia's son was one of the plaintiff's lawyers! And
people wonder why the impartiality of the court is called into
question.
I'm a Massachusetts liberal, so I'm pretty used to losing
presidential elections. But there's a difference between losing
fair and square, and losing because the other guy had the ref in
his pocket. This ruling sucked. The court isn't in disrepute
because it ruled on the case. It's not even in disrepute because of
who won. This court is going to go down as one of the most corrupt
in American history because of the transparently bias of the
majority in picking their preferred candidate.
"First of all, a judge can't just declare that his ruling won't
serve as a precedent."
Actually, they can. See, e.g., Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. v. City of
Cheyenne 120 F.3d 271 n.* (10th Cir. 1997):
"This order and judgment is not binding precedent, except under the
doctrines of law of the case, res judicata, and collateral
estoppel."
SR,
Allow me to amend the statement to, "The Supreme M***** F***ing
Court of the United States can't issue a statement that its ruling
shouldn't be used as a precedent, and expect it to stick."
OH yeah like the SCOTUS would ever pass up an oppertunity to wield power. The mother fuckers can't even read english but they know better than anyone about everything.
This is a tough thing. To say 'the supreme court shouldn't take
it' is too broad. Apologies, I haven't read the thrust of the
argument. But the supreme court is SUPPOSED to take any issue which
challenges constitutionality. Now, one could argue that if there's
only a tenuous issue challenging constitutionality of an issue over
the election, then they may avoid it to save the credibility of the
court and the elections. But what's the Supreme Court supposed to
do if a real constitutional issue arises in the wake of the
election?
Paul
Just like in the old Smothers Brothers routine where Dick
admonishes Tom, when one folk singer says, "Take it!" the other
folk singer is obligated to take it, The Supreme court can act like
a recalcitrant Tommy Smothers and not take it if they don't want
to.
"My Supreme court judge is a cotten pickin, election riggin
autocrat, what do you think about that? He wears a cotten picken
election riggin raincoat, he wears a cotten picken election riggin
hat...."
Well, Warren pretty much said what I was going to say. Sure they CAN. Sure they SHOULD. Are they GOING TO? Hell no! I once wrote up a brief explanation of how to calculate how the SC will decide on any given issue; I can't find it right now, but the first consideration is: "Which choice will give the Supreme Court the most power?"
Paul,
Sorry, you're wrong. The Supreme Court can indeed decide it just
doesn't want to take nearly any case, especially this sort. (I'm
not sure about cases where the Supremes have original jurisdiction,
e.g. cases involving ambassadors; see Art. III, Sect. 2.) The Court
has essentially complete autonomy in deciding its docket; it
rejects appeals of constitutional issues every day.
One of the lovely things about the Constitution is that it
contemplates just this situation. If the election doesn't produce a
clear winner in the Electoral College, the House gets to decide
(one vote per state, etc.). I wished four years ago that the Court
would wash its hands of the matter, but noooo (pace Steve
Martin).
It wouldn't have mattered in the 2000 election if the Supreme
Court HAD stayed out of it - Bush would stil have won.
The Constitution specifies that the state legislatures have the
power to select the electors that are sent to the electoral
college.
The Florida legislature was controlled by the Republicans.
If the Florida Suprement Court had been allowed by the US Supreme
Court to keep on gyrating about the recounts, the Florida
legislature would have simply thumbed it's nose at the court and
picked electors who would have voted for Bush no matter what the
court decided. And that would have been that. Bush wins.
"Sorry, you're wrong. The Supreme Court can indeed decide it
just doesn't want to take nearly any case, especially this sort.
(I'm not sure about cases where the Supremes have original
jurisdiction, e.g. cases involving ambassadors; see Art. III, Sect.
2.) The Court has essentially complete autonomy in deciding its
docket; it rejects appeals of constitutional issues every
day."
Well the court doesn't actually have "complete" autonomy. That same
Article III, Sect. 2. specifies that the Congress can limit the
appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Congress could deny
the court authority to hear some cases that it actually wanted to
hear.
Gilbert:
Congress can limit the appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court
Yes, but it hasn't done so. If it does, then the Court will no
longer have "essentially complete autonomy." There's a move afoot
to strip the Court of authority to review decisions about the
Pledge of Allegiance.
It wouldn't have mattered in the 2000 election if the Supreme
Court HAD stayed out of it - Bush would stil have won.
I know. I wish the Court hadn't established this precedent, and
entangled its authority with Bush's victory. My concern was not
that Bush would have lost anyway -- he wouldn't have.
I know, Gil. But there's a difference between losing a fair
fight, and having the other guy's buddies jump in as soon as he
starts to lose. But at least in that scenario, you get the moral
victory of everyone having to face the fact that you were the
better man, and he needed to get his ass bailed out to win. Even
worse is when the guy manages to cheat in a way that still allows
him to claim he won fair and square.
If the state leg. were to jump in, it would have been a public
admission that Bush couldn't win the election without overt
partisan intervention. What really sticks in my craw is that Bush
gets to claim he won the vote, when he didn't.
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