Julian Sanchez | October 12, 2004
I'll admit to being more than a little shocked at the findings of this new NBER study on corruption in America. A couple of Harvard economists did a cross-county comparison and found, not terribly surprisingly, that corruption is lower in areas with higher education and income (where, presumably, people have the luxury of keeping closer tabs on their elected officials). The shocker was the absence of any independent correlation between corruption and the size and scope of government, which amounts to saying that you don't get more corruption when the opportunities to be corrupt (more rules for which to peddle exemptions, more revenue to skim) increase. Haven't had a chance to read the whole paper yet, but it's an interesting and highly counterintuitive finding if it holds up.
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Correlating corruption to the size of government depends on how
you define "corruption." For most people, corruption refers less to
the general goals of the system than to how they're
implemented.
The purpose of the present system is largely corporatist: to
subsidize private profit and externalize cost and risk on the
taxpayers. But that purpose is sold to the general public in terms
of the "public welfare" or "common good."
And since the corporatist system is administered by the New Class,
one of its central values is "professionalism." To the average
person, "corruption" means deviating from this ethos of
professionalism under the influence of good ol' boy politics. The
system becomes corrupt only when the people at the helm of the
state stop acting as an executive committee of the ruling class as
a whole, and start engaging in crony capitalism on a more personal
level.
The authors are very cautious about that finding for
methodological reasons.
One of their measures of government size seems silly to me: number
of state legislators per capita. (By that measure
sales-and-income-taxless New Hampshire has a vastly larger
government than any other state.) The tax measures I don't
especially expect to see a correlation with. The regulatory
measures are the interesting and important ones-- though it's hard
to measure the real key variable, which is *discretionary*
regulation. Still, I'm surprised by the lack of correlation even
with the gross regulation variable, even given the authors'
methodological cautionary notes.
The entire purpose of the regulatory state is to make corruption
unnecessary, by allowing notionally lawful mechanisms like
regulatory capture to take the place of unlawful mechanisms like
kickbacks. It should hardly be surprising that it succeeded --
indeed, larger government should show less corruption because it
offers a wider range of legal methods for government to pick and
choose winners and losers.
Nothing is as corrupt as a midsize-town Zoning Board of Appeals.
Nothing is so fastidiously legal as the same board in a large-city.
But the difference does not extend to different behaviours: They do
the same thing, but the latter has the resources and power to find
ways to shoehorn kickbacks and graft into a legal framework.
Kevin, Grant, forgive me, but you're both completely
insane.
Only on a libertarian site would people argue that there is no
difference between requiring an applicant to put in a traffic
light, and requiring him to give you an envelope full of
twenties.
Only on a libertarian site would people argue that there is
no difference between requiring an applicant to put in a traffic
light, and requiring him to give you an envelope full of
twenties.
Maybe, but usually the application process (including compliance
with all implied requirements) costs a lot more than an "envelope
of twenties".
Maybe maybe not, db. My point is, calling both situations "corruption" obscures more than it reveals about what's going on.
How are they measuring corruption?
Are they measuring reported corruption, and if so how does that
correlate with actual corruption?
Or are they measuring unreported corruption, in which case how the
hell do they do that?
Jacob,
What does number of state legislators per capita have to do with
taxes? It's just the number of legislators per person.
Mo:
My point is that number of legislators per capita doesn't proxy for
size of government in any way that's possibly theoretically
relevant to the claim that larger governments have more rents and
therefore attract more corruption. Taxes and regulations do, as
does their general economic freedom measure. The number of state
legislators per capita seems like an irrelevance. It's a "size of
government" measure only on a very simple-mindedly literal
interpretation of "size of government," as if one used the
square-footage of the governor's mansion.
ldy:
They use federal corruption convictions, which is a pretty good
idea. Unreported convictions are unreported; state convictions or
prosecutions are endogenous (corrupt judicial systems are less
likely to prosecute for corruption). When measuring variation
across the states, using a measure that isn't on its face tied up
with state-level corruption seems like the way to go. Note that it
doesn't matter if the federal judicial system is also systmetically
corrupt (though it's not, or no tnearly at the level of some
states), as long as its corruption is generalized and uncorrelated
with state-level corruption. Variation in federal corruption
convictions across states is probably a very good proxy for
variation in corruption across states.
We also don't need to know what proportion of corruption is
detected; we only need to know that there's no reason to expect
other-than-random state-to-state variation in that proportion.
Federal corruption convictions as a proxy for "Corruption."
Since the feds can't be everywhere at once and selectively
prosecute only the most egregious offenders to "send a message" to
the rest, I would not expect the above proxy to work very well. The
feds are only going to prosecute to the extent that the
administration prompts them to. In this sense, lower levels of
prosecutions may actually hide greater levels of corruption, since
it's easier to get away with under those administrations.
To those of you who think it's crazy to equate lawful graft with
unlawful corruption, you reveal an inability to separate morality
from legality. A lawmaker saying something is legal doesn't mean
it's not corrupt. This is not necessarily a libertarian viewpoint.
The Dems say the the war is corrupt but legal, while the religious
right says the same about abortion.
Jamie S: You seem to be talking about variation in levels of
federal prosecution over time. But that's not at stake here. The
paper is about variations across jurisdictions (states/localities).
Unless we have some reason to think that the U.S. Attorneys are
less likely to press cases in more corrupt states than in less
corrupt ones, your point (even if true) doesn't affect this
paper.
If it's the case that, for example, U.S. Attorneys under
Bush are unwilling to bring prosecutions in Florida or Texas, and
as a result corruption flourishes in those jurisdictions, then
Jamie's right and the paper is invalid from the word Go. But I
rather doubt that.
joe,
I challenge you to show where I said there was "no difference." My
intent was precisely the opposite: to show how the two styles of
"corruption" differed, and point out why the public saw one as
corrupt but not the other.
And what I had in mind was not so much the government requiring a
developer to put in a traffic light, as a national corporation
getting the feds to fund most of its R&D expenses.
". . .Only on a libertarian site would people argue that there
is no difference between requiring an applicant to put in a traffic
light, and requiring him to give you an envelope full of twenties.
. "
that may be Joe, but I consider the latter to be more honest.
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