Jacob Sullum | April 9, 2003
Now that Baghdad has fallen, you have to wonder yet again why the Iraqi regime has not used chemical or biological weapons against U.S. forces. Earlier in the war, the speculation was that Saddam did not want to alienate world opinion and vindicate the Bush administration by using weapons of mass destruction he has long denied having. Instead, the theory went, he was counting on a bloody, drawn-out battle for Baghdad to compel a settlement that would allow him to remain in power. But now he (or whoever is in charge now) has nothing to lose.
Could it be that Iraq never had a siginificant WMD capability? So far the search for evidence of one has turned up nothing but false alarms. A lot of ground remains to be covered, of course, but the administration's decision to play down disarmament as the war's goal seems to anticipate the possibility that nothing much will be found.
If so, will it matter? Even before jubilant Iraqis started pouring into the streets, waving improvised flags and tearing down Saddam's statues, "Operation Iraqi Freedom" had metamorphosed from a pre-emptive act of self-defense into a humanitarian mission to rescue people from a brutal dictator. It's hard not to rejoice that Iraqis are finally free of Saddam, but it is also hard not to worry about the precedent set by their liberation. A policy of using our military to free oppressed people would lead to war with half the world.
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Or could it be that by the time it was apparent that there was nothing left to lose by using WMDs, there was either a) no one willing to slit their own throat by actually using them (it's not the general who actually fires the artillery or presses the launch button, it's some sergeant or first lieutenant, who can very easily be fighting one minute and take off his uniform and be a jubilant civilian the next; why risk a war crimes trial?), or b) no one left to give the command?
"A policy of using our military to free oppressed people would
lead to war with half the world."
And freeing those oppressed peoples in a similar manner would be
bad because...?
> A policy of using our military to free oppressed
people
> would lead to war with half the world.
Standard authoritarian strawman, the rejection of which is
fundamental to the libertarian world view. It's libertarianism that
says not everything that is permitted is mandatory, and it's
specifically libertarianism that says that helping others in need
is a wonderful thing, but not a moral requirement.
If we could conveniently free the whole world, maybe we would, but
we're not required to do so. Instead, we will free those whom it is
in our interest to free. Liberating the victims of tyranny give us
moral sanction - it gives us the *right* to overthrow those
governments whom we want to overthrow, but it does not require us
to do anything about those governments whom it is not in our
interest to overthrow.
A wonderful moment on West Wing was when Will stumps the President
with the question `why are American lives worth more to you than
Kundunese ones?'. A libertarian President, or for that matter any
President not completely mired in the leftist brainwashing that
makes up Martin Sheen's universe, would answer that he was elected
by the American people to protect American lives and interests, not
to protect Kundunese lives, and so he has the right to risk
American lives to save Kundunese lives only if he judges it to be
in the interests of the USAn people, for which purpose they
entrusted him with the command of their armed forces.
http://online.wsj.com/article_email/0,,SB104975005413286900,00.html
http://online.wsj.com/article_email/0,,SB10498350606817400,00.html
http://denbeste.nu/cd_log_entries/2003/04/Intelligencevictory.shtml
http://denbeste.nu/cd_log_entries/2003/04/TheIraqiKillingFields.shtml
Saddam wasn't expecting to die just yet. For all we know, the
meeting at which he was (presumably) killed was called to decide
whether the time had come to use WMD, and had it not been disrupted
we might now be discussing the aftermath of such use.
Perhaps the order did go out, and nobody obeyed it.
And perhaps the weapons were not yet ready for use, and we launched
this war just in time; another six months of stalling by Jacques
Iraq and Saddam's other allies in the UN and NATO, and the war
might have ended very differently. The Cold War was forced on us
because Truman refused to attack the USSR when he had the chance,
before they developed their own nukes - would anyone argue that
that decision was the right one? IMO the reason Bush is taking a
different attitude to N Korea is precisely because it's too late to
invade, and his purpose in invading Iraq was to stop it from
becoming another N Korea.
Zev is right: We don't have to liberate the world, just the parts that serve our interests. But if that's the case, why isn't the administration being more honest? Why hasn't anyone called this, say, "Operation Iraqi Freedom and Oil Well Confiscation"? Why haven't they admitted that, yes, those unpatriotic liberal naysayers are basically right -- this is a war partly about freedom, but mostly about oil?
Zev Sero's Cold War history begins with the premise that invading Russia is a good idea, and goes downhill from there.
It isn't at all about oil - perhaps the most certain thing about
the future in Iraq is that we will *not* be confiscating the oil
wells.
The most nefarious allegation I can think of that has even the
slightest edge of theoretical plausibility is that we've gone
through this whole war so that Halliburton can get contracts for
the reconstruction work. That will be hard to refute in the twisted
minds of the Bush-haters, because it is true that there will be a
lot of work to be done, and why shouldn't Halliburton compete for
some of it?
But stealing the oil wells? How on earth do you see that
happening?
Oy. The scariest part is not a policy of starting wars of
liberation, it's starting wars based on a rotating set of flimsy
pretexts designed to scare and fool the populace and then
capitalize on the one that sticks.
Iraq is clearly part of a larger strategic goal. Fine. Then #$@%ing
say so, clearly, so we can decide whether it's one worth pursuing
before committing to an irreversible course of action that
will determine our fate for decades to come.
Yeah yeah yeah. That's how it's always been. But if we can't have a
frank discussion on the most important decision a nation makes,
then what's the $##@ing point. #$@$%!
OK, make me an argument for why invading the USSR, while they
were still reeling from WW2, and while we had the bomb and they
didn't, would *not* have been a good thing.
Let's see: Hundreds of millions of people saved from 40+ years of
tyrrany; the communist takeovers of Eastern Europe, China, and SE
Asia prevented, thereby saving hundreds of millions more; 40+ years
of Cold War prevented, saving us from fear and a `permanent war'
economy; hot wars averted in Greece, Korea, and Vietnam; the
Kampuchean massacre prevented; and that's all just a start. What's
the down side?
Sure, if all that bad stuff didn't happen, different bad stuff
would have - it always does. Utopia is nowhere-land. But the only
way to live in this world is to prevent what bad we can, achieve
what good we can, and hope that we end up ahead.
This war is because September 11th. 2001. That is what the
Administration says and I believe them. The message is clear: The
era of State-sponsored terror is finished. Syria, Pakistan, Egypt,
Saudis - take notice. North Korea & China, take notice, you
will be unable to defeat the US in open war.
Taking the oil, Cheney making millions, liberating Iraqis, Bush
getting tons of support, making fools of the UN, French, Germans
and Russians -- all of these are also sucesses (some more noble
than others), which only further illustrates the Machiavellian
brilliance of War. As a libertarian I am quite happy and hopeful
today. As with after the fall of the Berlin wall, we now have a
safer and more free world.
`An irreversible course of action that will determine our fate for decades to come'? Nothing we've done so far is irreversible. *Not* acting, if that gave Hussein the time to perfect those weapons, would have been irreversible, just as not acting against the USSR during the short window we had was an irreversible disaster.
Seems Jacob's original list sentence still remains unaddressed:
what is an oppressed people; who makes the definition? In this
country, probably less than 30% of voters chose Bush - are the
other 70% oppressed?
As to liberating the oil wells, I'll predict today that the oil
will be used to pay for the reconstruction, that will be done by
mostly U.S. firms. If it isn't stealing, it sure isn't arm's length
negotiated.
"we now have a safer and more free world."
Quick! Someone tell Ashcroft and Hatch!
As long as this administration is in power the US will be at
war, coloniz... err I mean liberating the backwar.. er oppressed
peoples of the world.
Bush will be voted out of office but I wouldn't put it past him to
declare the results null and void.
"In this country, probably less than 30% of voters chose Bush ?
are the other 70% oppressed?"
are you trying to show that morally the USA is the same as Iraq?
clarify please
"As long as this administration is in power the US will be at
war, coloniz... err I mean liberating the backwar.. er oppressed
peoples of the world."
So you are saying that we didn't liberate Iraqis? That they were
not oppressed? please clarrify
"Bush will be voted out of office but I wouldn't put it past him to
declare the results null and void."
Iditotarianism at its best. when are you anti-war dolts going to
get a grip on reality? did you smoke too much weed with your hippee
buddies?
Back onto WMD: It's my understanding that the Iraqi government
admitted to a biological and chemical weapons program after
Saddam's sons-in-law defected in 1997(?) with a ton of inside
information. So we know for a fact that such weapons existed (or
were in development) in the late 1990s.
When UNSCOM was kicked out of Iraq in 1998, a large amount of the
Iraqi-admitted WMD materials remained unaccounted for. In order to
believe that Iraq now has no such weapons, we're required to
believe that:
a) After years of developing these weapons under the noses of
intrusive UN inspections, the Iraqi government spontaneously
decided -- once the inspectors had gone -- not only to destroy
them, but to do so without leaving any documentation or evidence
that would even half-way persuade the world that it had done
so.
b) After destroying these weapons, the Iraqi government decided to
stonewall, harass, and otherwise impede the UNMOVIC inspectors,
even though they had nothing to gain from doing so.
Now they may have nothing to hide, and perhaps James Bowman is
right when he speculates that perhaps Saddam pretended he still had
WMD in order to preserve his honour
(http://www.spectator.org/article.asp?art_id=2003_4_3_23_12_45).
But geez, Saddam and his cronies couldn't have done a better
impression of evil-kooks-with-something-up-their-sleeves in the
run-up to this war. With an antsy US Administration eager to
prevent another mass murder of civilians on their watch, this
Saddamite strategy -- if it can be so dignified -- appears to have
been a suicidally stupid one. But I'm betting we'll find plenty of
incriminating material, given time and access.
"In this country, probably less than 30% of voters chose Bush �
are the other 70% oppressed?"
That is stupid. More than 30% of this country's "voters" chose
Bush. In fact, more than 40% chose Bush. Now retract and offer an
insincere apology before informing me that I missed your
*important* point.
Not irreversible? Dude, the deed is done. We've laid our cards
on the table. We can't take it back. The rest of the world will
either think were heroes, or that we're the biggest hypocritical
assholes on the planet.
I'm tickled pink that have things turned out so far, but what if
they hadn't? What if they don't? It's just as easy to say we will
be attacked with WMD because of this war than to say we won't. Who
the hell knows?
Regardless of how it turns out, my point is that the decision to
roll the dice was masked by deceit and manipulation. There may have
been a threat, but the "imminent" part was manufactured. Plus, the
WMD threat was even not the core motivation for going to war.
Yes, you can make the argument that the public will get's it's say
at the ballot box next year. But that's meaningless if voters still
don't know the real rationale and the real potential risks and
benefits of behind Operation Attack Iraq.
I humbly suggest that Jacob is wrong--we don't need to go to war to liberate the remaining half that remains unfree. As I suggested in my article "Libertarianism in One State" (URL: http://reason.com/links/links013003.shtml)revie the Reagan Doctrine--help people liberate themselves. In the long run this would also help preserve our liberties at home from the likes of Ashcroft and company.
Zev,
You're assuming we would have won. When was the last time somebody
marched into Russia and didn't get annihilated? Think Mao might
have jumped in? Think France, Italy, Greece, Austria, and Laborite
Britain would have remained western democracies after we rounded on
the ally that saved them?
We've gotten soft in the last 60 years. We think starting a war
leads quickly and inevitably to having our enemy sprawled at our
feet. Sometimes it doesn't.
A few of the finds, at least one has chemical weapons:
story about nukes
PLF
training camp
Salman
Pak
missiles with sarin and mustard gas
Ronald,
But how will we know that a faction that claims principles of
freedom will follow up on those claims once we "help" them to
power?
And to restate the Mountain Goat's point in hopefully less
overstated terms, where exactly do we draw the line between a free
and unfree state? Turkey's democracy is imperfect, do we invade?
Pakistan is undemocratic, do we invade? Saudi Arabia? Whose side
should we be on in Venezuela?
Of course, this particular argument is moot anyway, because as Zev
Sero points out (though he didn't put it this way), we'll only
choose to liberate countries when it's to our own convenience.
Joe: Good job of using the facts known at the time rather than
Zev's use of the facts known 40 years later.
Ronald: I agree with the Reagan Doctrine, it is essentially the
reason I was against this war - was there any evidence that the
Iraqis were interested in liberating themselves? No doubt some
were, but the US and Britain essentially fought their revolution
for them. At best the cooperation of the Iraqi oppostion to Saddam
is "We won't stand in your way". Hard to support an opposition when
the opposition barely cares. Then again, maybe not giving a shit is
the ultimate liberty.
I believe what Iraq confessed to was a huge chemical/biological
weapons program in the late 80s to early 90s. They still had
stockpiles of chemical and biological material, most of which the
UN inspectors destroyed. Some were still unaccounted for.
Now IRaq could have destroyed these, but its unlikely since even a
democracy surrounded by enemies such as the US in Kuwait and Iran
would probably not do so. Also, chemicals might have saved Saddam's
bacon once, so he wouldhave kept some of those.
That being said, I think the prospect of Iraq giving WMD to a
terrorist group and the terrorist group using them on the US is
quite far fetched. We see that even in Iraq, only a very small
group of people seem to know about or have access to these
weapons.
Iraq's imemdiate neighbors -- Iran and Turkey seemed to perceive no
threat from Saddam -- the US aparently did half a world away
!!.
Last I saw, the US was cozying up with Pakistan and providing it
with tons of aid. Apparently its not all terrorist supporters that
the US disapproves off ..
Not to mention that the US has supported terrorists in the past:
Contras and others in Central America, Osama and co. against Russia
in Afghanistan.
Still, its pretty cool to see Iraqis celebrating the fall of
Saddam. Something undertaken on the basis of a lie (that Saddam was
involved with 9/11) turned out to have a positive effect after
all.
So, if the conclusion and mop-up of the war goes as expected, we
will have done the right thing (knock down a tyrant) the absolutely
wrong way -- not only wrong but unconstitutional. By breaking all
of the rules that made the US what it was, we kicked out a jerk
that we helped put into power. Is that such a great
achievement?
I'll be happy for the Iraqis if they don't segue directly into
another form of tyranny. I'll be sad for us in the US if this
adventure leads to another in Iran or Syria, and then another in
North Korea, and then another, and another...
The US is not and never was intended to be the world's cop. We were
never intended to export our form of government or way of life at
gunpoint. Our young people were never intended to be the crusading
army of global "liberty." I salute the troops for standing up for
what they were told the US is, but they were misled, and some of
them paid with blood.
Yet here we are. We've crossed the Rubicon. We can't even pretend
to be a friendly republic anymore. How did our nation and its
government get hijacked into this duty? And where will it lead
us?
On TV, Bill O'Reilly is cackling that "the left" is now disgraced
for its opposition to this "just war," totally bereft of
credibility. If so, I suppose that only leaves the libertarians and
constitutionalists to remind people that, however desirable the
consequences of this war, and however honorably and bravely our
soldiers fought it, it was illegally prosecuted and contrary in
concept to the founding ideals of this country. I suppose it now
falls to the libertarians and constitutionalists to oppose the next
one. But the question must be asked: why bother to oppose? Is this
the US any more? If the dream is forsaken, why bother to engage or
support those who repudiate the dream while flying its colors?
James: We are in a safer and more libertarian world, with a War with a minimum loss of life and liberty. We have toppled and destroyed an oppressive State. What is wrong about this, from a libertarian perspecive? How does this differ from the ideals of our founders?
Jacob:
I was not aware that
this report of medium-range missiles equipped with sarin and
mustard gas had been shown to be a "false alarm." Do you have a
cite to back up that assertion?
James:
Please elaborate as to why you think the war was
"unconstitutional." Are you relying on that
pseudo-constitutionalist "Congress didn't use the magic words 'we
declare war' when they voted to authorize this war" canard, the
liberal "I don't like it, therefore it's unconstitutional"
mentality, or something else?
Zev,
I hate to break it to you, but the Russians were not "still
reeling" from WWII. Their capacity to make weapons at the end of
war was about as much as the American capacity. The USSR as a
military power was really at one of its peaks right after WWII, and
their esprit de corps was very high as well, along with boundless
national pride.
Lazarus Long,
You'll have to justify how the US is in a more "libertarian" world
now.
Lazarus: Our founders explicitly said that we should not and
that our nation was not intended to get involved with entangling
alliances overseas, or with pre-emptive dragon hunts. Those ideals
are the subtext for the American system that was created all those
years ago, and in fact, the syustem doesn't work well unless in
support of those ideals. We keep having to contort it in order to
serve other ideals, including the currently fashionable one of
exporting freedom at gunpoint to the oppressed peoples of the
world. Our originally-envisioned role was to make America a shining
beacon that would engage in trade and cultural exchange in
friendship with the peoples of all nations, inspiring THEM to adopt
our ways through persuasion. Instead, we now go trolling for fights
overseas. Whatever the good consequences of those adventures, there
will be bad consequences too, but there would be NO consequences if
we simply tried to live up to the founding vision of a nation that
would perfect itself within and mind its own business in matters of
politics and military intervention.
Xrlg: The fact of the matter is that the constitution requires a
declaration of war, the congress knows how to declare war, and it
did not. The resolution it passed was more suitable for going after
pirates, not for the full commitment that wars require. You may say
this is "pseudo-constitutionalist" reasoning, a mere matter of
syntax, or a canard, but it is nothing of the kind, and your glib
dismissals can't make it so. The Congress cannot cede its warmaking
authority to the President. Because they tried to do it, and
because the President ran with the ball they tossed him, the
congress reps and senators deserve to be defeated in 2004 and any
election afterward, as does the President. Indeed, he deserves
impeachment. The best excuse for making war on Iraq so far, by far,
was to topple the brutal dictator Saddam Hussein and liberate the
Iraqi people. That is, however, insufficient as a reason for
America to go to war. Had there been a real debate in Congress,
centered around the proposal of passing a formal declaration of
war, I believe the bankruptcy of war rationales would have been
determined, and no declaration would have been made. We'll never
know now, but in fact, the requirement for a congressional
declaration of war was an attempt to force a formal debate with the
participation of the people, lobbying their representatives,
insofar as the urgency of the situation permitted. We had plenty of
time to think THIS one over. Congress and the President bungled it,
and I can only hope they pay in the elections of 2004.
If WMD's were used, Hussein could no longer say he didn't have them--so he would not want Farooq out in the field to fire one off without explicit authorization straight from the top. However, the decapitation attacks the United States engaged in at the very least disrupted the chain of command, making it impossible to send such an order out. Just MHO
Xrlg says, "The Constitution states that Congress has the power
to declare war. It says zero, zip, nada as to what form that
declaration should take."
True, but I also spoke in my earlier posting about the importance
of observing the traditions and proprieties of due process as
established throughout the decades and centuries. The Congress has
declared war before, and has an established protocol for doing
that. You can see the latest manifestation of a proper declaration
of war in the 1941 resolution that put us at war with Japan. There
is NO QUESTION that such declarations put us at war. In contrast,
where in the resolution that was passed last October is it made
clear that we are now (or on some specific date in the future) will
be at war? With whom? All of this must be inferred from the
language, and whenever you require people to infer things, you open
the door wide to improvisation, mis-interpretation, and a host of
syntactic and semantic problems that cause confusion. The average
guy expects that a declaration of war will, at very least, declare
that we are at war with someone in particular, regardless of the
details that follow. If you're going to force people to read the
document and walk away saying, "hmmm ... that looks like we'll be
going to war with Iraq," as they scratch their heads, you haven't
done your job. There should be no doubt. If you are going to say
that the October resolution is a declaration of War just because
members of Congress now assert it is, even though they didn't
bother to say so explicitly in the text itself, then you are
leading us away from the principle of clarity and
straightforwardness that was established in and by the Constitution
itself. Is that what you really want to do?
Who would disagree that a state of War is our most serious military
situation, requiring a national commitment far and beyond that
necessary for an operation to go after pirates or the like? Both
war and piracy reprisal were authorized separately in the
Constitution. Most of what we have done militarily, since WWII,
has, in effect, been authorized by treaty obligations or the piracy
reprisal function, and so Congress has been able to rationalize its
avoidance of a real declaration of war, even when (as with Vietnam)
the level of national commitment required was exactly that of a
state of war. Those earlier bending (breaking?!) of the rules of
warmaking were wrong, and we made a lot of noise about cleaning up
our act after each one. Finally, a situation comes along that is
PRECISELY what the constitution and the people who wrote it would
consider a straight-up war, and we abandon previous war declaration
forms, which the Congress itself had established. Since previous
declarations of War were clear, and the resolution which you claim
serves as as a declaration is ambiguous, bearing more relationship
to recent resolutions for recent adventures that were explicitly
NOT called "war," it is reasonable to challenge the resolution's
legitimacy as a declaration of war. Why does xrlg deny the
reasonableness? It's a hell of a lot more reasonable than bombing a
residential district in downtown Baghdad. And that's the point,
isn't it? We observe the protocols and pursue the due process to
avoid depriving people -- our own citizens and other people -- of
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Clearly, when the
first is lost, the other two really don't matter.
Xrlg says, "only Congress itself would have standing to challenge
the supposed violation. This is the main reason why every attempted
lawsuit on this tortured theory has been thrown out of
court."
Yes, most of the challenges to mischevious and illegal military
adventurism seem to have been rejected on the grounds that the
people bringing the suit didn't have standing -- the actual facts
and merits of the cases weren't even considered. This is why the
voters have a role here, needing to fire the congress reps and
senators that won't uphold constitutional due process provisions,
because if the congress won't police itself, only the voters are
competent to do so, at election time. (As a side note, it is
interesting how, when due process works for xrlg's side of the
argument, xrlg bring it up, but when I challenge something on due
process grounds, I'm hauling out old canards and relying on
"tortured theories." I think I know the name of that tune.)
Xrlg says, "If you are that sure that you are right and the rest of
the world is crazy ..."
That's a cheap spin in an attempt to marginalize me and my
argument. Grow up. Who will deny that war, even war that is pursued
with care and in service of a just cause, is full of insanity? The
people who wrote our constitution knew that first-hand, and did
what they could to make it DAMNABLY difficult for the US to make
war EXCEPT after severe provocation, for good cause, and after due
congressional deliberation involving contact with constituents. It
isn't as if I am anywhere near being alone in pointing this out,
and raising objections on that basis. We hear a great many in
Washington today saying that the debate concerning the war was too
skewed and truncated, and that matters which could have been
pursued at leisure were hastily arranged. This kind of chatter
sounds uncomfortably close to an accusation -- even a confession --
that the clearly intended, difficult, deliberate process was
subverted (and, to be fair, not for the first time, and not first
with this administration). With something as serious as war --
people on both sides die, remember? -- there should be no doubt
about the basics. Congress and the President should bend over
backward to make sure of that. The fact that they did not in this
case is a scandal.
Xrlg says, "Impeachment is reserved for treason, bribery and other
'high crimes and misdemeanors.' Even if your pseudo-constitutional
analysis were correct, all it would show is a constitutional
violation, not a crime..."
An actual violation that entails subversion of the spirit of the
constitution with the result that people die and billions of
dollars are spentunjustifiably sounds like a high crime to me. Let
me ask you, if the President held someone incommunicado for years
without trial, without warrant, without even charging them of a
crime, and it was determined that this was a violation of the
detainee's constitutional rights, would not that be a "high crime"
or at least a "misdemeanor" that would qualify for impeachment (at
least if it came out that the President acted deliberately, with an
understanding of the constitutional issues and an attitude of
letting the chips fall where they may)? I certianly wouldn't
dismiss the claim out of hand. And that's just talking about the
oppression of ONE person. So how much worse is making war without
proper authorization? A more important question to ask is, WHY
didn't the President and the Congress travel the well-worn path to
declaring and prosecuting war, when the process was straightforward
and well-understood, and when we appeared to have plenty of time to
let that process work? Might it perhaps have been because they
didn't think they could pass a REAL declaration of war after the
congressional debate that would have necessarily preceded such a
declaration? If so, what does it say that the White House took the
resolution and ran?
The Constitution doesn't say that the Congress or the President are
empowered to keep and deploy a standing military however they
please, whenever it suits them. It says that they can declare war
-- an historically well-understood relationship between nations --
or they can go after pirates and the like. They can maintain a
Navy, and can conceivably misuse it, but the obvious purpose of
that service was to make war -- declared war -- at sea, and to
intercept and engage hostiles away from our national coasts. The
President and Congress are not empowered to create a global police
force, to dispatch the military for humanitarian welfare missions
overseas, or to arbitrarily spank nations we don't like, or whose
leaders we wish to replace. Maybe some of those kinds of things are
ACCOMPLISHED by piracy reprisals or declared wars. But the primary
reasons for military deployment need to be consistent with the
constitution and its emphasis on the federal function of national
DEFENSE, not arbitrary offense. This is the kind of issue that
would be raised during the national debate over a declaration of
war -- a debate that some doubt ever took place, and that others
are now saying was, at very least, highly truncated and
one-sided.
Most interesting has been the complete inability of any
opposition politician in Washington to make any argument against
the current administration's policies.
The mythology of 9-11 seems to have blocked all
counter-arguments.
The "with us or against us" call by Bush froze everything, and
continues to do so.
This is one of the curses of nationalist pride and it's when
flag-waving becomes a hysteria.
It's when you say that you are an american first, and a human being
second.
Lazarus Long,
Actually, all you did was restate your claim in three seperate
ways. It didn't clarify anything. Also, as you haven't sent any
arguments my way, it would be hard for me to counter them. :)
"A fair counter-arguemnt would be to show how toppling Saddam has
either lowered or not affected the liberty of Iraqis. I challenge
you to make this claim."
I am honest enough to admit that I am ignorant of whether that is
the case or not, unlike yourself. As I have said repeatedly, it is
best to wait until this shakes out. What you do is continue to
violate your "Franks Rule" as it is applied to your opinions on a
post-Saddam world.
James Merrit,
Congratulations on the "Longest Post" award.
The other day, I say General Brooks reporting that the military
was "building camps for people displaced by liberations."
What do you suppose that means?
If "Declaration of War" and an "Authorization of
the use of Force" are the same, then why
didn't Congress just make a "Declaration of War"
and avoid even any hint of impropiety?
It's because they aren't the same thing and the Congressmen know
it.
Well, James Merritt has a point. Perhaps it is much better to inspire people to free themselves, than to do it yourself. What could the US have done to inspire the Iraqis to revolt?
>> Also, as you haven't sent any arguments my way, it would be hard for me to counter then>I am honest enough to admit that I am ignorant of whether that is the case or not, unlike yourself.>What you do is continue to violate your "Franks Rule" as it is applied to your opinions on a post-Saddam world.
"building camps for people displaced by liberations."
concentration camps. NO BLOOD FOR OIL!!!!!
A minor point...
The Iraqi people are no more free right now than they were a month
ago, and may even be less free. The country is under military
dictatorship, and 20 year old privates are allowed to kill people
based on their suspicion that they may be hostile. Areas not under
martial law are in a state of anarchy, with vigilante killings and
looting. Is it too optimistic to hope that Reason readers will
agree that the latter isn't really freedom?
Now, I don't expect things to remain this way for long. But it's
still a little early to talk about whether this war has freed the
Iraqi people.
joe: I am confused on your point (other than the continued
bitterness of a failed anti-war supporter). Obviously Iraq is
CURRENTLY under martial law. Obviously Iraq law and order have YET
to be established. But will you agree that innocent Iraqis will
have less a chance of having a midnight knock on the door from
secret police? Have less chance of being put into concentration
camps because their ethinicty? These are the tools of tyranny. You
are confusing tyranny with a mere civil disorder. Was LA under
tyranny during the Rodney King riots? Or SanFran during the recent
"peace" riots?
And I dispute your claim that it is currently less free, as the
military is under rules of engagement and accountable to civilian
authorites and a free press. That is not the arbitrary power of an
autocrat. Most importantly, average Iraqis are moving about free
from FEAR. It was terror that held the Iraqi people as serfs. This
at least is over.
Keep it up, James, you're digging yourself in deeper and
deeper:
"The fact of the matter is that the constitution requires a
declaration of war, the congress knows how to declare war, and it
did not."
Wrong. The Constitution states that Congress has the power to
declare war. It says zero, zip, nada as to what form that
declaration should take.
"The resolution it passed was more suitable for going after
pirates, not for the full commitment that wars require."
That is your opinion, but it has nothing to do with the
Constitution. Even if it did, it would concern a power that is
exclusive to Congress, so only Congress itself would have standing
to challenge the supposed violation. This is the main reason why
every attempted lawsuit on this tortured theory has been thrown out
of court.
"You may say this is 'pseudo-constitutionalist' reasoning, a
mere matter of syntax, or a canard, but it is nothing of the kind,
and your glib dismissals can't make it so."
That is true. It is not my "glib dismissals" that makes it so; it
is the fact that your pseudo-constitutionalist canards lack any
foundation in the constitution or court precedent that makes it so.
What matters is substance, not form, and there is no question that
Congress (except maybe John Kerry) knew full well what they were
voting to authorize.
"The Congress cannot cede its warmaking authority to the
President."
That is your opinion, though it bears noting that the Constitution
is silent on that issue. It is not necessary to determine that
here, however, as Congress did authorize the war months in
advance.
"Because they tried to do it, and because the President ran
with the ball they tossed him, the congress reps and senators
deserve to be defeated in 2004 and any election afterward, as does
the President."
Here's where you really start to go off the deep end. If you are
that sure that you are right and the rest of the world is crazy,
well...
"Indeed, he deserves impeachment."
And here is where you finish the job. Impeachment is reserved for
treason, bribery and other "high crimes and misdemeanors." Even if
your pseudo-constitutional analysis were correct, all it would show
is a constitutional violation, not a crime, and certainly not an
impeachable one. Shall we also impeach every Congressman who voted
for term limits or a line-item veto, both of which were ultimately
held unconstitutional?
What did we do to inspire the Romanians to revolt, and
ultimately kick Ciaocescu to kindom-come? (Zip, zero, nada, my
friend.)
As for Osama Bin Laden -- he's dead.
Saddam Hussein? Dead, too.
But the media has been instructed to report that they are "nowhere
to be found." Still "alive" somewhere.
So why do they want to keep them alive?
Bogeymen.
The powerful need bogeymen. They need to be able to holler "boo!"
to the uninformed and the uneducated.
Why?
TO MAINTAIN THEIR POWER. That's hard to do without some bogeyman;
without some "crisis" looming somewhere.
It's old hat. Caesar did it; Napoleon Did it; Hitler, Marx, Lenin,
Stalin, Mao -- they all did it.
Yeah, I know the retort: "You equating the U.S. with those
monsters?!"
No, of course not. But it's only a matter of degree. The nefarious
schemes are still the same. THE POWERFUL, IN ORDER TO MAINTAIN
THEIR POWER, MUST HOLD UP SOME BOGEYMAN BEFORE US. Search current
and past history and prove me wrong. Please.
Lazarus Long,
"We are in a safer and more libertarian world, with a War with a
minimum loss of life and liberty" - This is a claim, its not an
argument.
"Then you are maintaining that toppling Saddam had no viable affect
on liberty. That is a pretty stupid argument, as I can see hundreds
of Iraqis running free around the capital, released from prisons,
dead secret police, etc."
Actually I am maintaing that I don't know that if such is the case,
not if it has had or has not had such. There is a difference, a
very clear difference, between the two.
"This wasn't a rule. But it was a useful guide when talking about
the operational strategy of the war, of which *neither of us had
any clue about*."
I am simply applying your guide to a situation where we also
equally have no clue. In other words, I am asking you to be
consistent between the various areas where we are clueless.
"I am pretty sure Saddam is toppled however. That doesn't seem to
be an uninformed/clueless position. That seems to be a substansive
fact -- which means it is completely reasonable to dicuss the
conseqences."
I have no issue with discussing the consequences, however I reserve
the right to view your certitudes with a grain of salt. The fact
that Saddam is out of power doesn't neccessarily lead to all the
things that you claim it leads to. These are at best your hopes,
they are not necessarily the future reality.
My point, Laz, is simply that we cannot yet judge whether this
war will make the Iraqi people free. We have no idea what Iraq's
future government will look like. Right now, they're under martial
law.
The simple fact that a country is under the authority of a the
United States Department of Defense does not mean it is a free
country. I hate to break it to you, but not every government set up
by the United States has been entirely free of midnight knocks by
the secret police.
The difference between us is that you are willing to give a
conservative Republican administration the benefit of the doubt as
to whether it would support genuine democracy over a cooperative
tyrant. I, on the other hand, remember when the Reagan
administration sold weapons to Saddam under the "enemy of my enemy"
theory. BTW, there was a secret police back then, too.
Lazarus Long,
The reports out of Basra are that many people there are very
fearful - of the looting and other mayhem going on. Perhaps it is a
different type of fear than the fear of the knock at the door, but
it is fearfulness nonetheless. Your absolutist claims are rather
amusing I must add.
Let's see if Lazarus, Joe, and I can pump the number comments up to 100. :)
P.S. And if you need proof, see the rest of the Hit & Run insights under "Disarmament vs. Liberation".
P.S. And if you need proof, see the rest of the Hit & Run insights under "Disarmament vs. Liberation".
>>Actually I am maintaing that I don't know that if such is the case, not if it has had or has not had such. There is a difference, a very clear difference, between the two.>I am simply applying your guide to a situation where we also equally have no clue. In other words, I am asking you to be consistent between the various areas where we are clueless.>I have no issue with discussing the consequences, however I reserve the right to view your certitudes with a grain of salt.>The fact that Saddam is out of power doesn't neccessarily lead to all the things that you claim it leads to. These are at best your hopes, they are not necessarily the future reality.
>>My point, Laz, is simply that we cannot yet judge whether this war will make the Iraqi people free.>We have no idea what Iraq's future government will look like. Right now, they're under martial law>The simple fact that a country is under the authority of a the United States Department of Defense does not mean it is a free country.> I hate to break it to you, but not every government set up by the United States has been entirely free of midnight knocks by the secret police.>the benefit of the doubt as to whether it would support genuine democracy over a cooperative tyrant.>I, on the other hand, remember when the Reagan administration sold weapons to Saddam under the "enemy of my enemy" theory. BTW, there was a secret police back then, too.
>>The reports out of Basra are that many people there are very fearful - of the looting and other mayhem going on.>Perhaps it is a different type of fear than the fear of the knock at the door, but it is fearfulness nonetheless.
Lazarus, Joe, Gary, and company need a SEPARATE ROOM SOMWHERE. They're drowning out the pithy sound bytes (data bytes?) that we only have time for.
>>>>>I may consider something a moral imperative, but someone else may say "You've screwed up enough times already....."
James:
If you really believe that President Bush would not have been able
to obtain what you call a "real" declaration of war, then you are
kidding yourself in the extreme. The only reason he didn't ask for
such a declaration is because he didn't need one. Here's something
you can take to the bank: if President Bush had made a frantic,
last-minute phone call to Congress and said "oh, crap, my time is
almost up, but I'd really like to have a formal 'declaration of
war' that conforms to James Merritt's version of the Constitution,"
he'd have gotten that declaration within the hour, and the war
would have played out exactly the way it did.
Rover:
You'll have to ask Congress why they worded the authorization the
way it did. My guess is that one name contemplates that hostilities
are certain, while the other holds out some hope that those
hostilities might be averted by last-minute, high-stakes
negotiations. But nothing of Constitutional signifance turns on
that. Even if Congress calls a declaration of war a "Declaration Of
War (TM)," it still can't force the President to prosecute
it.
On the flip side, if an "authorization of force" were not a
declaration of war, there would never be any reason for a President
to request one. For Congress to get in the way of anything short of
declaring vs. not declaring war would encroach on the President's
constitutional power as commander in chief.
Whew! There's no way I can respond to all of that. But here are
a few more comments:
Declarations of War: The constitution says that only Congress can
declare war; it doesn't say that the President (as CinC) may not
engage in hostilities without one. What's more, the Supreme Court
has ruled that if someone attacks
the USA, or declares war on it, the President can recognise that a
state of war already exists, and can act on it, without any
declaration from Congress.
The War Powers Resolution (which is simply Congress's view of the
extent of its power - no President has ever accepted it) says the
President should, if possible, consult Congress before engaging in
hostilities, should in any case inform Congress within 48 hours of
having done so, and should not continue hostilities past 90 days
without permission from Congress, and should stop hostilities at
once if Congress explicitly directs him to do so. The authorisation
that Congress gave the President satisfies the War Powers
Resolution - the power to declare war certainly includes the lesser
power to authorise hostilities short of war.
The most obvious reason why the President didn't ask for a
declaration of war is that until the last minute he held out the
hope that Hussein would see reason and some sort of arrangement
could be worked out, avoiding the need for war. A congressional
declaration of war was the last thing anyone wanted; the resolution
that was passed gave the President the authority he needed to
threaten war, and the ability to use that threat to negotiate
peace, if there was one to be had.
Who would win US v USSR in late 1945? I can't say for sure, but I'd
bet on the USA, and I definitely think it would have been worth
trying. One big point in our favour - for a few years, we had the
bomb and they didn't. We'd just shown the world that we were
prepared to use it; would Stalin have bet that we wouldn't do it
again? And with Stalin gone, we wouldn't have to get involved in
saving Western Europe and Greece from Communism.
Washington warned the USA against foreign entanglements when it was
a tiny and weak country, eager to play European politics but liable
to get burned. You tell a five-year-old not to play with matches,
but the same doesn't apply to an adult. Now that we can defeat
tyranny, we should do so at least now and again, though we are
never *obligated* to do so if it doesn't suit us, or if the risk
appears too great.
>>You'll have to justify how the US is in a more "libertarian" world now.> Our founders explicitly said that we should not and that our nation was not intended to get involved with entangling alliances overseas, or with pre-emptive dragon hunts.>But the media has been instructed to report that they are "nowhere to be found." Still "alive" somewhere.
James:
"Our originally -enivisioned role was to make America a shining
beacon ... inspiring THEM to adopt our ways through persuasion."
Tell it to the Cherokee, the Sioux, the Navajo, etc. Regarding the
founders ideas on entangling alliances, I remind you the reason
Washington spoke of that in his Farewell Address. As a warning! The
Democratic-Republicans, led by Madison and Jefferson, dearly wanted
to involve the US in the affairs of Europe, in sympathy with
Robespierre's France. The founders were no more of one mind on any
particular issue in the Eighteenth Century than DeLay and Daschle
in the Twenty-first.
Lazarus Long,
Keep on spinning. Maybe you'll even convince yourself some
day.
"I don't claim to be a prophet. Those are my judgements, either
ignore them or debate tham as you will."
You defined them as certitudes. As I take your statements at face
value, I didn't expect you to lie.
"No doubt some of that is payback from the Shias. I am trying to
make it clear that innocent, average, etc Iraqi citizens will be
more free. Clearly former Party goons will have less freedom. I
imagine a lot of Baathist throats will be slit tonight -- which
will only add to increased liberty of Iraqis."
So you are now backing away from your absolutist claim? Shocking to
say the least.
Lazarus Long,
One less tyrant makes the world more libertarian? How so? You can
spin a yarn, but you sure as hell can't make an argument.
Bush has asserted all the wrong reasons for correct action in
Iraq and permanently muddied waters that should be much clearer.
The most legitimate reason for our presence there is that it is our
responsibility to clean up a mess we ourselves made. We supported
the Ba'ath regime when it was convenient for us, even to the point
of arming them in the Iran/Iraq war. Mixed political signals from
the U.S. gave Saddam the mistaken impression that we and the world
would wink at his invasion of Kuwait, thus the Gulf War.
Since then, Saddam has consistantly rattled the saber we gave him
and failed to take back. It is not only our right but our duty,
along with the British who are the geographic authors of Iraq and
most other Middle Eastern pseudo-states, to rectify historic errors
that threaten long term peace and stability in the world. As we did
with Manuel Noriega, the U.S. has done right in neutralizing the
Frankenstein's monster we ourselves helped create.
Jeff Clothier
Weblog: "A Perpendicular View"
http://clarityiniowa.blogspot.com
Gary: The same can be said to you. Are you going to now provide
me your definition for "tryant" as an "argument"?
But I made three points, you chose to focus on one. But going with
the flow...one less tyrant increases liberty for the people of Iraq
and decreases tyranny. Ohh wait, are you now going play the
semantic shuffle and challenge me to define "liberty"? I grow weary
of this game (and appologize to all other readers).
Lazarus Long,
Actually, I focused on the point which addressed my question. BTW,
I am not the one making a claim here. I was asking you (in good
faith) to justify your claim. You simply re-stated the claim in
your response - you tend to do that a lot.
"...one less tyrant increases liberty for the people of Iraq and
decreases tyranny."
Well, your argument is based on the pre-supposition that Saddam's
downfall will mean more liberty for the Iraqis. So far we don't
know if that is the case. But I accept that you've finally
attempted to justify one the myriad claims that you've made
here.
Gary: You are being unfair with your arguments -- I didn't
"re-state the claim," my post was a further clarrification for my
argument. My issue with you is your decision to continue to play
these games without providing anything substantial counter to my
arguments.
"So far we don't know if that is the case" is not substantional in
my opinion. A fair counter-arguemnt would be to show how toppling
Saddam has either lowered or not affected the liberty of Iraqis. I
challenge you to make this claim.
Jeff C:
A very valid point, one Bush and Blair have never had the nerve to
state publicly. Which I take to mean that they don't believe
it.
It may be our duty to fix our past wrongs, but that doesn't make it
our "right". That's the same kind of logic that says "Forget the
fact that the $20 billion we spent hasn't shown results, we need
$600 billion to really do it right anyway."
>>>>> It may be our duty to fix our past wrongs, but that doesn't make it our "right". That's the same kind of logic that says "Forget the fact that the $20 billion we spent hasn't shown results, we need $600 billion to really do it right anyway."
On further reflection, Xrlg, would you stand for a "search OK"
or a USA PATRIOT approved "secret" search warrant if it were YOUR
house, or would you stubbornly insist on that old canard of a
"constitutional" search warrant, properly served? Would you sit
idly by and let congress define the legal meaning of religion to
exclude yours, or would you rely on that old canard of the first
amendment and its command to congress to "make no law"? If you were
on trial for your life or for the right to stay in this country,
would you accept conviction based on the testimony of secret
witnesses, or would you challenge them to face you, in open court,
according to that old canard, Amendment 6? Do you accept the idea
of retroactive taxation, or do you resist based on the old canard
of constitutional prohibition of bills of attainder and ex post
facto laws?
Due process, respecting and emulating traditional forms, protocols,
and language, is important. Government respect for citizens under
constitutional authority is important. When deliberating to end
people's lives, whether in criminal sentencing or warmaking
situations, attention to all the formalities and technicalities is
especially important.
It strikes me that the kind of thought processes that dismiss a
call for a formal, constitutionally required declaration of war
before war is waged, are similar to the kind of thought processes
that can find a way around the requirement for a search warrant, or
a way to suspend habeus corpus, or a way to enact an ex post facto
law, or a way to engender double jeopardy, or a way to define
completely intrastate commerce as "interstate," and on and
on.
The roadblocks and formalities are there for a reason. The person
who understands the reason respects that and deals with the system
as it stands, or at least works to change the system in ways and
toward forms that still respect the underlying rationale. The
person who doesn't understand the reason, or who disagrees with it,
sees only impediments, obstacles to be overcome by any means
necessary. In sweeping away the impediment of the bathwater, they
frequently dispense with the baby as well, leaving us all a little
less protected than we were before. I'm tired of letting people get
away with that kind of garbage. Enough!
> if the sum total of the improvements in Iraq
> amount to an upgrade from Saddam to Pinochet,
> it would not have been worth the tens of
> thousands of lives snuffed out to achieve it.
Sure it would. As dictators go, Pinochet was a good guy. He was
certainly a good thing for Chile, and the USA should be proud of
having supported his coup, instead of being ashamed and
apologising.
Even if we ignore all other issues, and simply look at it in terms
of raw numbers of lives, compare the hundreds of thousands that
Hussein killed to the 3000 or so that Pinochet did (without even
considering how many of those 3000 really needed killing). Adjust
for the difference in population, and for Hussein being in power
more than twice as long as Pinochet. Then add the total butcher's
bill for achieving the change. The Iraqis still come out way ahead,
not to mention how the rest of the world fares.
And if Iraq does end up with a Pinochet, and eventually decides it
doesn't like him, it can always upgrade to a full democracy, at the
cost of, well, how many lives did it take to get rid of Pinochet,
once the Chileans decided they didn't want him any more? That's
right, none at all. They told him to go, and he went peacefully.
Iraq should only be so lucky.
I came back to this thread today and read from the bottom up, so
if I don't respond to a pithy comment from someone who responded to
me in a message from a few days back, sorry. I'll try to get back
to the middle of the thread later.
Gary Gunnels says: "James Merrit,
Congratulations on the 'Longest Post' award."
I guess the real question is whether you or anyone found value in
it commensurate with its length. To the extent not, I wasted my
time and yours. But to the extent so, why worry about the length?
On the other hand, speaking of length ...
Rover says, in a post I quote in its brief entirety: "If
'Declaration of War' and an 'Authorization of the use of Force' are
the same, then why didn't Congress just make a 'Declaration of War'
and avoid even any hint of impropiety?
It's because they aren't the same thing and the Congressmen know
it."
My point exactly, which may have been buried in the length of my
several posts. Thank you for making it so succinctly, and shining
the spotlight on it as you did.
Zev says: "the Supreme Court has ruled that if someone attacks the
USA, or declares war on it, the President can recognise that a
state of war already exists, and can act on it, without any
declaration from Congress." So, where and when did Iraq create this
de facto state of war? The important thing is that the PRESIDENT
doesn't get to fabricate the state of war from rumour or innuendo.
The enemy gets to do that by taking specific, unequivocal acts:
attacking us or declaring war against us. The only other body that
can create a state of war for the US is the Congress.
Had the 9/11 attackers been representatives of a national
government, we would have been at war with them from the moment the
planes hit the buildings. But they were, for all intents and
purposes, "air pirates" without a country, and we went into
Afghanistan as a way of punishing the modern-day form of piracy.
The toppling of the Taliban seemed to be an extreme stretch of the
"reprisals against piracy" clause. And in that case, we had no
formal declaration of war against Afghanistan, either.
Zev also says: "The authorisation that Congress gave the President
satisfies the War Powers Resolution - the power to declare war
certainly includes the lesser power to authorise hostilities short
of war." I really wonder about that. The people who wrote the
constitution empowered Congress to deal with specific types of
military situations: war, piracy, invasion, rebellion. As a body,
they were well-known to distrust the warmaking power of any
government, and worked hard to make it difficult for the US
government to exercise that power, except in the most dire
circumstances. It was clearly not the wish of ANY of the founders,
whose writings I ever read, that the US ever find it easy to use
military power to get its way around the world, or do anything
except defend itself. Because the constitution sets out several
specific authorizations of military power, most of which are
smaller in scope than war, I think it is also reasonable to
interpret this as meaning that the Congress is not empowered to
authorize any and all conflicts up to and including war, but rather
war or no war, in which the President is charged with ending the
war as quickly and efficiently as possible. That is to say, there
may be big wars and there may be small wars, but they must all be
wars. If a desired (or necessary) conflict doesn't naturally fall
under any of the classifications listed in the Constitution, then I
don't think you can say that the document empowers Congress to
authorize it, or that the writers of the constitution ever intended
Congress to have that power. I have tried to think of situations
where this interpretation would turn the constitution into a
"suicide pact," tying Congress' hands in dire circumstances when
military action was indeed necessary, but I can't. On the other
hand, I can think of numerous occasions, when such a restriction
would have prevented us from unfortunate overseas adventures.
Zev further says: "A congressional declaration of war was the last
thing anyone wanted; the resolution that was passed gave the
President the authority he needed to threaten war, and the ability
to use that threat to negotiate peace, if there was one to be
had."
He can threaten war all he wants, but when push came to shove, he
needed to seek and get an actual declaration of war between the US
and Iraq. The construction of extra-constitutional "alternative
military authorizations" just muddies the water and leaves the barn
door open for this and future Presidents and Congresses to use the
military in all kinds of stupid ways. The abuses of the military
power that we have seen in the past are MISTAKES and we need to
find ways to prevent future mistakes, not enable more of them based
on the past precedent of mistake!
It is interesting that Zev seems to agree that the October
authorization was not a real declaration of War, claiming that the
latter was "the last thing anything wanted." So what we seem to
have is an apparently extra-constitutional power to threaten and
prosecute the "equivalent" of war, without ever actually having to
acknowledge in plain, formal language, that a war is being discused
or waged, because that is the "last thing" that anyone wants. I
could understand Bush wanting to do a little Texas-style
poker-table bluffing before hostilities began, perhaps to prevent a
real war. But I think he needed a declaration of war to actually do
what he has done, and that he and the congressmen and senators who
went along with him are in material breach of the constitution and
their oaths of office. The federal government made it clear in the
recent Rosenthal med-mj case that it doesn't accept someone's claim
that an inferior government can shield its functionaries from
federal prosecution by giving local "permission" to commit a
federal crime. The Congress and the President are inferior to the
constitution. By the reasoning of the Rosenthal case, the Congress
cannot absolve the President of the responsibility for acting
unconstitutionally EXCEPT THROUGH ACQUITTAL IN IMPEACHMENT
proceedings, a constitutional process. Whether you believe the
Congress and President were in the right or wrong about this war,
letting it stand as a fait accompli without an impeachment would
seem to weaken our constitutional system still further. Even
members of the military who are in the right must often be subject
to courts martial, to set the record straight, formally clear their
names, and respect the system of military justice. In a just world,
we would see impeachment in this case as being as necessary as
those occasional courts martial. But in the real world, if the Iraq
war was not conducted according to the Constitution, then Congress'
own complicity would come out at the trial, and heaven knows we
can't have that.
Finally, Zev says: "Now that we can defeat tyranny, we should do so
at least now and again, though we are never *obligated* to do so if
it doesn't suit us, or if the risk appears too great."
If tyranny attacks us, or puts itself in a state of war with us,
let's kick its ass. I should think that such things will happen
often enough to allow us to flex our muscles for the admiring
global public. But let's not roam around the world looking for
dragons to slay, even though, as a strong, mature country, we could
probably slay a few. Looking for trouble is, indeed, a sign of
IMmaturity, both in nations and people. The point of the US
government was never to liberate the world. It was, rather, to
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. Zev
advocates a dangerous mission creep, suggesting that Washington
warned us against entangling alliances as a practical prescription
for a fledgling nation, but that he would have advised a stronger
country differently. I disagree. I think that Washington gave his
advice out of strongly held principles. One of the most popular of
his time can be paraphrased as "know your business, and mind it."
He knew that people and nations, whether weak or powerful, started
down a bad road when they abandoned that wisdom.
Xrlg says: "If you really believe that President Bush would not
have been able to obtain what you call a "real" declaration of war,
then you are kidding yourself in the extreme."
Maybe so, but when hundreds of thousands, millions of people take
to the streets in protest across the country before the war starts,
and when many congressmen are saying now that the case for war was
NOT made, and certainly not on the floor of the House or Senate, it
seems to me that the President might have had a harder time of
getting a full declaration than you seem to think. In any case,
given the choice of rushing into the war or prosecuting it anyway
after the full and serious congressional debate that should have
preceded a declaration of war vote, I would choose the latter, on
the off chance that the full proceedings would have at least
established the actual NECESSITY for the war, enabling many more
citizens to support it with clear consciences, albeit heavy hearts,
and helping to build the true, sweeping national consensus and
dedication that our country has always needed to prosecute war
effectively. Here is where attention paid to due process would have
reaped important dividends, I expect, whether or not we went to
war. By subverting the process, we may do good things, but seem
more likely to do bad things (if only by establishing a less
rigorous standard that others can use in the future to do bad
things).
"As dictators go, Pinochet was a good guy."
And to think, I was worried that this wouldn't be a real
liberation.
Also, Chilean politics aren't Iraqi politics. If Pinochet had to
deal with ruling Iraq, it's a pretty safe bet that his death toll
would have been a lot higher.
My point is a minimal one: when writing and thinking about Iraqi
freedom, we need to use the future tense. It is something that
hopefully will occur, not something that has, or that is guaranteed
to occur.
And since you brought up Pinochet: if the sum total of the
improvements in Iraq amount to an upgrade from Saddam to Pinochet,
it would not have been worth the tens of thousands of lives snuffed
out to achieve it. That fact that people could even consider such
an outcome to be a success is the reason why I'm so skeptical of
declarations that Iraq has been liberated.
This is going to be the only page in the Google archives that still
gets posts.
EMAIL: pamela_woodlake@yahoo.com
IP: 62.213.67.122
URL: http://digital-photo-restoration.online-photo-print.com
DATE: 01/20/2004 12:26:12
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