Shikha Dalmia from the February 2008 issue
(Page 2 of 5)
A Small Problem?
Legacy preferences, like
racial preferences, are repugnant because they reward not
individual virtue or accomplishment, but an accident of birth that
has no relevance for a college education. Moreover, just because
they aren’t linked with an egregious history of racial abuse does
not justify turning a blind eye to them. India has a far uglier
record of discrimination by caste than race. Yet no one would argue
that it ought therefore to concentrate only on eradicating caste
discrimination and treat race as a non-issue.
It is true that the use of legacies is mainly limited to undergraduate programs in the more selective public and private schools. Racial preferences, on the other hand, pervade every aspect of every school—from undergraduate and graduate admissions to faculty hiring and promotion. Moreover, according to a 2007 paper by Princeton’s Douglas S. Massey and Margarita Mooney of data from 28 elite universities, while 77 percent of minorities had standardized test scores below the institutional average, about 48 percent of legacies did. In rare exceptions, such as Middlebury College, legacies actually scored higher than the institutional average.
How far below average do those legacies and minorities score? It’s impossible to get up-to-date, nationwide data on the subject, given the universities’ secrecy, but the late psychologist Richard Herrnstein and the social scientist Charles Murray reported one telling piece of information in their 1994 book The Bell Curve. In 1990, the average student admitted to Harvard scored 697 on the verbal SAT and 718 on the math section. By comparison, legacies scored 674 on verbal and 695 on math—a 47 point difference. Combined minority scores hover at about 100 to 150 points below the institutional average.
What’s more, even when universities lower admission standards for legacies, they don’t lower them as much as they do for minorities. As mentioned before, the Michigan point system used to award 20 bonus points to under-represented minorities—the equivalent of boosting a 3.0 GPA to a 4.0. By contrast, it handed only four points to children of alumni.
But such statistics don’t tell the full story. Given how intense the competition is for the nation’s most selective schools, even seemingly small differences in scores translate into significantly higher rates of acceptance for legacies over “unhooked” candidates—admissions lingo for those who don’t qualify for any preferences.
According to the October 1996 Brown Alumni Magazine, 40 percent of legacy applicants were accepted to Brown University, as opposed to 19 percent of the total applicants. The Office of Civil Rights similarly found in 1990 that children of alumni were twice as likely to be accepted at Harvard over more qualified students who did not get legacy or athletic or any other preferences. And a study by the Center for Equal Opportunity, a Virginia-based think tank, found that at the University of Virginia, after controlling for test scores, grades, and other academic credentials, a legacy candidate had 4.3 times higher odds of admission than non-legacy applicants in 1999.
Universities claim that legacy status is never a major or decisive factor in their admission decisions. It’s only used, they say, as a tie-breaker among otherwise comparable candidates. That’s what they claimed about racial preferences too, and that turned out to be false. Indeed, it is hard to really know how much weight universities award to legacies given their stubborn refusal to reveal their admissions data or even talk about their admission policies. (University of Michigan officials, for instance, declined repeated requests to discuss this issue.) But why do legacies deserve any edge, big or small?
Racial preferences, at least originally, were meant to remedy discrimination—both historic and current—against blacks. What is the justification for favoring the offspring of Harvard, Yale, and Princeton alumni? Unlike many inner-city kids, they grow up in families with a strong pro-education ethos. They have access to the finest public or private high schools in the country. Their parents can spring for tutors, standardized test preparation courses, and even consultants to help them write essays and complete their college applications. “These are kids who grow up with every privilege,” notes Connerly. “They don’t deserve any additional advantage.”
Moreover, though the policy of using legacy as a “tie-breaker” among equivalent candidates sounds innocuous, it has perverse consequences for one group in particular: Asian Americans. Asians don’t benefit from racial preferences because they are not considered underrepresented minorities. And they don’t benefit from legacy preferences because they tend to be the children of first-generation immigrants. Espenshade, the Princeton researcher, found that while legacy and athletic preferences offset the effects of racial preferences on whites, they compound them for Asian Americans.
According to Espenshade’s regression analysis of data from a dozen selective colleges, on a 1600-point SAT scale, being black and Hispanic adds up to an advantage of 230 and 185 extra SAT points respectively. The preference for legacies translates into an edge of 160 points. By contrast, being Asian American represents a 50 SAT-point disadvantage.
The CIR’s Pell, however, argues that the legacy problem is “self-correcting.” Racial preferences have become so ideologically embedded that universities will never abandon them unless forced to by courts or voters, Pell maintains. But as the ethnic mix of the broader population changes so does the composition of the student body. A generation later, then, so will the composition of the beneficiaries of legacy preferences.
But the problem with legacies is not that they never adjust to shifting demographics. It is that they slow the process of adjustment. Legacy policies protect groups that are already in, at the expense of those that are trying to break in.
Practical Benefits?
Conservatives pride
themselves on being sensible realists, not starry-eyed utopians
eager to stamp out every form of social injustice regardless of
consequences. This tendency partially explains their squishiness on
the legacy issue. On the one hand, they don’t dispute that legacy
admissions border on institutionalized nepotism—rewarding children
for the accomplishments of their parents and relatives. On the
other hand, enforcing a strict merit-based standard seems a tad
fanatical given all the practical benefits of legacy policies for
universities.
One purported benefit is that legacies are an important source of funding for universities. Not only do more legacies donate to universities, they donate in greater amounts. For instance, according to the Cavalier Daily, the University of Virginia’s student newspaper, 65 percent of legacy parents contributed to the university’s 2006 capital campaign, compared with 41 percent of non-legacy parents. Moreover, legacy parents on average coughed up $34,759 each whereas non-legacy parents gave only $4,070.
All in all, legacies alone account for over 30 percent of the private donations to most elite colleges. “If mild preferences to legacy students allow universities to maximize their income, is that so objectionable?” asks Thernstrom.
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"...while legacy and athletic preferences offset the effects of
racial preferences on whites, they compound them for Asian
Americans."
This is true and there's more. Preferences do not offset but rather
compound the effects of racial and other preferences on poor whites
as well. Legacy preferences only help whites whose parents went to
college.
This fact reflects another legacy - namely the legacy of the
Democrat's ongoing betrayal of poor whites that began in the
60's.
But how would George Bush, John Kerry, and so on get to go to
Yale/Harvard/etc?
Can't somebody think of the rich children?
What I think Ms Dalmia fails to take proper account of is the
extent to which the very small number of selective, state supported
universities at issue here are de facto privatizing, in significant
measure because the states no longer support them, and the extent
to which legally private schools rely more and more heavily on
public (i.e., tax) funds.
Whether the latter situation suffices morally to make a case why
otherwise "private" schools should act in what is obviously
contrary to their financial interests is one thing. But the former,
especially where state support constitutes 20% or less of the
"public" school's budget, undercuts the notion that equal justice
under law somehow demands the elimination of legacy admissions,
especially if the net results are, in fact, reduced costs to the
taxpayers.
This fact reflects another legacy - namely the legacy of the
Democrat's ongoing betrayal of poor whites that began in the
60's.
Wait, wait,... nope, I still don't see it. Please break it down for
me.
Contra NCDan, most upper-tier universities' admissions
departments go out of their way to admit poor white people,
especially if they come from poor, geographically under-represented
areas of the country. A kid from rural West Virginia will leave
tire tracks across the back of a kid from Long Island with the same
grades and test scores, so that the university can brag about the
economic and geographic diversity of its students.
There is even less of an effort to end this practice than to end
legacy admissions. Which is as it should be - diverse campuses are
better campuses, across just about all axes.
While I agree that it is distasteful for schools that receive
public funds to admit less qualified applicants for what ever
reason, how upset are we to get that schools are acting rationally
given their circumstances? If they are using a suboptimal
admittance strategy, they will stop being top tier schools.
Also, I hear that people who didn't get into ivy league schools
occasionally lead productive, happy lives.
Gan
Cooper Union is not just an art school - it also has engineering and architecture schools. In fact, its architecture school is one of the most selective in the world (something like 6%, they have like 30 students a year), and the engineering students comprise over half of the ~800 undergrads there.
You can tweak racial preferences, you can tweak around with
admissions for poor people, you can tweak a lot of stuff, but one
thing we all know: don't mess with the money.
If legacy admissions bring in that much money, it will never
change.
This is an excellent article, so naturally I'll only talk about
the parts I don't agree with. "Private" colleges and universities
are non-profit corporations, that is, "artificial persons" who owe
their existence to the state. The laws defining what a non-profit
(or a profit) can or cannot do are entirely at the discretion of
the state legislature. Not many people would argue that Harvard
has, or should have, the "right" to exclude blacks or Jews. The
state of Massachusetts could set the rules for accepting students
used by all educational institutions within its borders if it
wanted to, but of course the political pressure against such action
would be overwhelming.
Anyone who is smart and hardworking and comes from a middle-class
family can get an excellent education in the U.S. The elite
colleges sell status as much as anything else. Enter Harvard and
you enter a world of privilege. One of those privileges is getting
a leg up to sending your kids to Harvard. If the rules for getting
into a prestige university were cut and dried, the mystique would
be lost. You'd be smart, but you wouldn't be special.
The argument against legacy admissions is an excellent stick with
which to beat conservatives, who believe that policies that give
poor black kids "unfair" assistance are bad but that policies that
give rich white kids "unfair" assistance are good. But the
liklihood of change is practically nil.
Gan,
I think the author's point is fraud. Top schools publicly claim to
be meritocratic (a reputation for excellence is based on that
claim) but they secretly act otherwise. If they disclosed
admissions policies, your argument would be strong.
Viz., if the glossy brochures said: "We take a many top 5%
applicants, those few asians with perfect scores, mix in a fat
cadre of spolied bluebloods (with President Bush IQs), add some
middling athletes who can read and write, and then fill in the gaps
with "articulate" upper class minorities and 1 poor white kid from
each & every fly-over state (such as West VA). DIVERSITY IS
POWER!
LOL, Mr. Grand!
"And this year's Wyoming admission to Yale is..."
*rip rip rip*
"Vern Inglewood! Mr. Inglewood, come up here and say a few
words."
Shikha Dalmia, Thank you for an excellent article. I have long
railed against legacy admissions.
One reason is that they extend the results of past discriminative
practices. We're not bigots anymore, but the descendants of those
who had an undeserved advantage reap the benefits of past immoral
practices. Another is who was rejected by Yale so that GW Bush
could get a slot? That is just the most famous example that comes
to mind. Similar injustices happen with every freshman class in
every college/university that gives legacy preferences.
From the article -
Legacy preferences, like racial preferences, are repugnant
because they reward not individual virtue or accomplishment, but an
accident of birth that has no relevance for a college
education.
That's damned tough to argue with.
Universities claim that legacy status is never a major or
decisive factor in their admission decisions. It's only used, they
say, as a tie-breaker among otherwise comparable
candidates.
I call bullshit.
"These are kids who grow up with every privilege," notes
Connerly. "They don't deserve any additional advantage."
Born on third base and think they hit a triple.
There is something problematic, even oxymoronic, about the very
idea of "elite" public universities whose doors are by definition
shut to the vast majority of taxpayers who fund them. If they must
exist, they should exist to serve academically gifted kids. Thus
the only defensible admission policy for these universities is one
that allows all gifted kids an equal shot at admission.
There is this whole equal treatment under the law thingee that
needs to be addressed. Just as children are not held responsible
for the crimes of their parents, they should not be given credit
for the successes of their parents.
IMHO, if you are against racial preferences you morally should be
equally against legacy preferences.
Sorry for the lenght of the post, but I'm a bit passionate about
the issue.
I second J sub D on his call of bullshit for the reasons Paul pointed out above.
DAR makes a good point about how private schools are accepting a
lot of public funds and public schools are segueing toward more
private revenue sources. Even the more heavily state-supported
state schools sometimes have private foundations associated with
them to ease the revenue situation.
On the east coast, for some of the old elite schools the
public-private line is even murkier. Some of the departments and
programs at Cornell are state-supported and considered part of a
public university, while others are considered private. Duke also
has some sort of murky relationship with the state, I believe.
(Somebody correct me if I'm wrong.)
Invoking public and/or private status won't get you very far in
untangling issues in higher education. It's more complicated than
that.
J sub D, I'm not going to push this very far because I sympathize with your and the author's points. But, it would be fraud if the Universities advertised a "numbers-based" enrollment process as apposed to the "holistic", blah, blah, policy that thee espouse.
This is a bit misleading.
The Center for Individual Rights, which Dalmia chides for not
opposing legacy preferences, effectively did so in its Supreme
Court briefs challenging the University of Michigan racial
preferences, as Lars Bader's letter to the editor in the Washington
Post noted at the time.
It argued that under the Supreme Court's "narrow tailoring"
requirement for race preferences, those preferences couldn't be
used except as a last resort, after race-neutral means of
increasing minority admissions -- like getting rid of alumni
preferences or legacy preferences -- were first employed.
If accepted (as it logically should have been), that argument would
have resulted in virtually every selective college in America (that
wanted to use race even a little) getting rid of its legacy
preferences in order to satisfy this requirement.
CIR made this argument indirectly, of course, because federal law
itself doesn't directly outlaw legacy preferences; it only bans
racial discrimination.
(And Title VI and Section 1981 -- the statutes used to challenge
university racial preferences -- only forbid intentional racial
discrimination, not practices that might have a disparate impact,
like legacy preferences, see Alexander v. Sandoval (2001) (Title VI
not violated by disparate impact)).
If I went to a particular university and devoted my time, work,
money and energy to that school, I'm sorry but my kid should get in
over yours (assuming that our kids are otherwise identical). It's
called customer loyalty -- we were loyal to a University, and this
is one way they demonstrate loyalty to their alumni base. When I
send donations to my alma mater, I would be lying if I said I
didn't have, to some extent, my children in mind when writing the
checks. Money can't buy you happiness, but the last time I checked
it could buy you an education.
On a side note, when going through the college application process
I was told by a well-known University that they "do not offer
merit-based scholarships." My friend and I (who had lower test
scores, fewer extracurriculars and a lower GPA) were both accepted.
He went, and I did not. Why? Because the school gave him a full
scholarship, not because of his merit, not because of his financial
inability to pay for tuition, but because... one of his parents was
Hispanic.
When I send donations to my alma mater, I would be lying if I said I didn't have, to some extent, my children in mind when writing the checks. Money can't buy you happiness, but the last time I checked it could buy you an education.
That's a fair point. They're selling a product, and if they want to
base access on a sliding scale of academic merit and ability to pay
(i.e. less meritorious applicants can pay a higher price and vice
versa), rather than treating them as distinct categories (i.e. you
must meet the standard criteria AND you must pay the set price),
well, fair enough.
But that would be more about donor preferences than alumni
preferences.
i'm wondering what makes legacies in colleges different than
legacies in the real world.
maybe (private) colleges prefer well-connected individuals in their
ranks for the same reasons businesses do and they're willing to
overlook academia when bill clinton is their daddy. i'm not gonna
lie: i've gotten every job i've ever had because i've had a friend
working at the company.
you can fix legacy preferences in colleges, but i'm just wondering
what good it will do if the rest of the world doesn't - or is
incapable to - operate without preferences.
meritocracy's reward hard workers and that's great, but they assume
that hard work is all that matters to people.
Not many people would argue that Harvard has, or should
have, the "right" to exclude blacks or Jews.
Just because there arent many of those people doesnt mean that that
small number of people arent correct.
Both legacies and racial preferences serve the ends of colleges
by reinforcing the delusion that getting into a better school
equals having a better life. Unjust as they are, the first solution
is for us to question the basic assumptions behind elite
institutions and ask how much of the quality of their grads is a
product of the institutions rather than of the students
themselves.
Let's start with the law students who found themselves at Harvard
Law (et al.) after Katrina. What effect did accidentally getting
into an elite school have on them? Pity we can't have a matching
group of Ivy League students sent to a forth tier school. It would
be amusing to see them excel.
"But that break ought to only involve lower tuition fees, not
lower standards."
Good article generally, but with respect to in-state vs
out-of-state students, here's the problem at Michigan. The
university commits to the legislature to a particular percentage of
in-state students. Yes, the U could charge more tuition and get
somewhat higher SAT scores if it admitted more out-of-state
students, BUT then the Michigan legislature would cut its funding
(and reasonably so -- if the tax dollars aren't paying to educate
in-state students, why should the legislature pay up?)
From time to time, there have been discussions of Michigan going
semi-private -- accepting no funds from the legislature for
operating expenses and charging equal in-state and out-of-state
tuition, but those discussions have never gone very far.
The real problem isn't capricious admissions policies, the real problem is the associated grade inflation that puts a meritorious veneer over the capricious admission policies.
Is Ms. Dalmia worried that employers are too stupid to understand the bullshit and fall head-over-heels in love with the job applicant with "Harvard" on their resume?
"Let's start with the law students who found themselves at
Harvard Law (et al.) after Katrina. What effect did accidentally
getting into an elite school have on them? Pity we can't have a
matching group of Ivy League students sent to a forth tier school.
It would be amusing to see them excel."
I'm willing to bet GW Bush (a C- student at Yale) doesn't pass at a
state school (any state school) if no one knows his Daddy was who
is Daddy was. He's that dumb.
Is Ms. Dalmia worried that employers are too stupid to
understand the bullshit and fall head-over-heels in love with the
job applicant with "Harvard" on their resume?
As someone with Harvard on my resume, I have the feeling I should
be offended.
you can fix legacy preferences in colleges, but i'm just
wondering what good it will do if the rest of the world doesn't -
or is incapable to - operate without preferences.
Neptism is supposed to be illegal for government employment. Except
in Detroit, of course.
May I remind you all that even delta house put limits on legacy
admissions:
Hoover: Kent is a legacy, Otter. His brother was a '59, Fred
Dorfman.
Flounder: He said legacies usually get asked to pledge
automatically.
Otter: Oh, well, usually. Unless the pledge in question turns out
to be a real closet-case.
Otter, Boon: Like Fred.
I tend to think legacy admission is inappropriate at public
universities, but I think private ones should be able to do what
they want.
I don't think it's appropriate to attempt to impose a single
definition of "merit" on private associations.
After all, look at the example employed by posters here of Bush and
Kerry. Exactly how is it sensible for an admissions board to not
admit a future President of the United States and a future Senator
from Massachusetts? I'm sure in any given year every college makes
a few bad bets and admits some deadbeats. How can we possibly argue
that admitting a future President of the United States is one of
the errors?
What I personally think of Bush isn't relevant. Whether he got to
the Presidency based on family connections is irrelevant. What's
relevant is that you're asking an admissions board to not admit a
future President of the United States on your say-so about
who they should admit.
Harvard and Yale aren't selling the claim that they admit the
"best" students. Harvard and Yale are selling the claim that if you
go there, you will be surrounded by the people who will run the
country. So far they don't seem to be lying.
How can we possibly argue that admitting a future President
of the United States is one of the errors?
My alma mater admitted Jimmy Carter. However, we sent him packing
to the Naval Academy after one year.
The biggest myth is that race and ethnic background lend greater "diversity" and "cultural richness" to the campus environment. A U.C. racial minorities are sometimes admitted to an academic environment whose standard are too high for them, and they struggle to keep up. The have little time and energy to contribute to that mythical abstraction called "diversity."
I shouldn't talk, I guess. My alma mater graduated Dondero. But, maybe they were trying to reach their molesterstache quota.
Great article. Dalmia is right to make the point that those who
criticize racial preferences should be equally critical of
legacies.
From my experience, though, affirmative action doesn't work quite
the same way in practice that some folks think. Minorities at my
(fancy schmancy) alma mater weren't at all "struggling to keep up."
For the most part they went to excellent high schools (either
because they're affluent or because of programs like Prep for
Prep). A surprisingly large number of the "black" students were
Africans or children of African immigrants. So, as an engine of
social mobility, affirmative action doesn't work so well; but by
the same token I also don't think it's letting in a flood of
underqualified students.
How can we possibly argue that admitting a future President
of the United States is one of the errors?
When that future President of the United States is George W. Bush,
how can we possibly deny it is one of their errors?
Nuculer.
How the hell did Harvard know, way back in the 60s, that George W. Bush was going to be president?
Baloney. Virtually every school, public and private, puts a
legacy applicant's file at the top of the stack. And why not? If
private patrons wish to subsidize their alma mater, stay involved,
and essentially buy preferential treatment, doesn't this leave the
possibility of saving tax money in end?
Consider also that it just may be the case that standardized test
scores are attempts to put a number on personal attributes that
can't be described very well in such terms. Seeing that an
applicant was reared by a parent who previously succeeded in that
educational setting offers at least a reasonable belief that an
otherwise borderline applicant may fit the mold after all.
Let's not worship at the altar of centralized, standardized testing
at the expense of a more basic bet on nature and nurture.
Individual schools are unique entities, and I think it is a pretty
good bet that there are widely varying schools that sit right next
to each other in terms of admissions demographics. Information,
like legacy status, give admissions officers some much-needed "real
world" data with which to better make admissions selections.
Finding a good fit for a particular school is more important than a
one-size-fits-all, egalitarian admissions policy that has the force
of law.
Rather than bailing out the Titanic, libertarians should fight to
privatize public universities. Transferring control of public
universities to non-profit foundations for administration and
development would be one fiscally responsible escape that would
allow us to avoid the socialist calculation problem altogether.
Simply implementing some "more libertarian" centrally-planned
admissions standard is not going to fix Socialist U. Once we move
schools to a private, competitive environment, we can allow the
experts in the market to experiment and devise the best admissions
policies for their individual enterprises.
I just found this site and this was the first article I happened
to read. I am in absolute 100% agreement with the author. Colleges
should base entrance on merit and they should disclose their
admissions policies.
BTW, I once worked as a software engineer for a company were all
the top level MBA managers were graduates of Stanford. If you
didn't graduate from Standford you get hired. Therefore, legacy
graduates received another benefit over commoners.
"while 77 percent of minorities had standardized test scores
below the institutional average, about 48 percent of legacies did.
In rare exceptions, such as Middlebury College, legacies actually
scored higher than the institutional average."
Uhh - if 48% of legacies scored less than average, then 52% scored
higher than average. It's not a rare exception when it is the
rule.
One reason is that they extend the results of past discriminative practices. We're not bigots anymore, but the descendants of those who had an undeserved advantage reap the benefits of past immoral practices.
Does this reasoning extend to legacy admissions in
historically-black universities?
so this "libertarian" author doesn't like practices of private insitutions in a free society...hmmm..ok...so?...if they don't change their ways what is the author going to do about it?...probably,evetually.. resort to the state.....she should probably start rereading libertarian philosophy
"Uhh - if 48% of legacies scored less than average, then 52%
scored higher than average. It's not a rare exception when it is
the rule."
I assumed 5% (or more) of the legacies earned the average score,
meaning 47% of 'em [or less] scored above aver.
IMHO, if you are against racial preferences you morally
should be equally against legacy preferences.
Sorry for the lenght of the post, but I'm a bit passionate about
the issue.
JsD, Excellent post. I agree 100%, and I am also passionate about
the issue. The very idea that GWB pushed a deserving, but not
connected kid to the curb just makes my blood boil.
The only "diversity" that produces "strength" is that produced by
the diverse thinking of the best minds.
How can we possibly argue that admitting a future President
of the United States is one of the errors?
How can you possibly argue that a college admissions board knows
who will win the presidency twenty years hence?
All you are saying is, "Colleges should be allowed to select
connected kids because they are connected." How is that any
different than saying, "Colleges should be allowed to select
(black, white, blonde, brunett, whatever; take your pick) kids
because they are ...."?
If your point is that private colleges should be allowed to select
on whatever criteria they choose, that is cool with me, but they
should not receive a dime of tax-payer's money.
Legacy admissions can be defended in private colleges (and in
public colleges with stingy legislatures). If you're relying on
alumni contributions, it would be nice to offer the alumni some
reasons to contribute.
Colleges ask for money from alumni on the basis of "loyalty" (hence
the term "loyalty fund"). But as I see it, loyalty is a two-way
street. If the college gives no special consideration to the
alumni, why should the alumni give special consideration to the
college? If Swank U were to tomorrow tell its rich alums that it
won't give any special consideration to alumni kids, then the alums
could reply - "We applaud your commitment to social justice! And to
match your commitment, we're taking the money we were going to
donate to you, and we'll give it to the United Negro College Fund
instead."
How is rewarding a high school senior whose parents attended the same college they're applying to "social justice"? Especially if they're applying to the overall majority of schools that are partly funded by (of course their, and) other people's tax dollars? Buying your son or daughter's acceptance into a university does not sound like a proud moment to me. I did not go to college so I could be surrounded by the results of Mom and Dad's (however well-intentioned) donations. This article is one of the most consistent, logical reads I've found on this site.
A kid from rural West Virginia will leave tire tracks across
the back of a kid from Long Island with the same grades and test
scores, so that the university can brag about the economic and
geographic diversity of its students.
Tire tracks is a bit much. The advantage exists, but the size is
considerably smaller than the racial or legacy advantages, as
demonstrated in various studies. (Enough so that if the kid from
Long Island is very wealthy but black, he will have a big advantage
over the poor rural white.)
Here's
another call for ending legacies at public universities by
North Carolina's libertarian/conservative Pope Center, linked off
of a National Review blog today.
"artificial persons" who owe their existence to the
state.
Uh, all corporations are 'artificial persons' -- just try
collecting a debt owned by a bankrupt corporation from its board or
stock-holders and you'll quickly realize that. And of course all
corporations are regulated by the state, as they are creations of
the state.
As to the article -- I see ethnic resentment first and foremost.
For private universities especially, it seems to me sensible that
they should be able to reward those who have helped build the
institution, even if only by studying there. Indeed, I think it is
ridiculous that WASPs are now a minority at the great universities
their cultural and biological ancestors built -- and I speak as a
non-WASP.
Shikha Dalmia obviously wants her offspring to free-ride on all
those centuries of social capital built up by people not of her
ethnic group. If she was really a go-getter, she would get her
group - I am guessing Indian - together and start their own
university, like we catholics did with Georgetown, Notre Dame etc
and Americans Jews did with Brandeis.
How the hell did Harvard know, way back in the 60s, that
George W. Bush was going to be president?
Because the Illuminati had marked him at while he was a
Bonesman.
You can't be 'hurt' by a benefactor giving something to another
person, whatever the reason. You still have everything you had
before that transaction. The issue here is that people consider
their admission to a University by trying to find a cash value for
it. As Nietzche predicted:
"We have now an opportunity of watching the manifold growth of the
culture of a society of which commerce is the soul, just as
personal rivalry was the soul of culture among the ancient Greeks,
and war, conquest, and law among the ancient Romans. The tradesman
is able to value everything without producing it, and to value it
according to the requirements of the consumer rather than his own
personal needs. "How many and what class of people will consume
this?" is his question of questions. Hence, he instinctively and
incessantly employs this mode of valuation and applies it to
everything, including the productions of art and science, and of
thinkers, scholars, artists, statesmen, nations, political parties,
and even entire ages: with respect to everything produced or
created he inquires into the supply and demand in order to estimate
for himself the value of a thing. This, when once it has been made
the principle of an entire culture, worked out to its most minute
and subtle details, and imposed upon every kind of will and
knowledge, this is what you men of the coming century will be proud
of, -- if the prophets of the commercial classes are right in
putting that century into your possession! But I have little belief
in these prophets. Credat Judaeus Apella -- to speak with
Horace."
Going to a University is not about maximizing the net money you
receive based on having attended it. The university system predates
capitalism, and therefore was only later shaped by it's method of
evaluating utility. Universities see themselves as places to
further human knowledge. Universities need donations of cash to do
this. A good way to encourage donations is to have legacy
admissions. The best and the brightest very often get an
opportunity to attend any college because some rich moron is paying
both their own and several other peoples worth of tuition. So to
say it is unjust is simply someone crying over nothing.
The article makes some very good points against both legacy- and
race-based admissions. But I don't see why she lumps athletes
together with minorities or legacy admissions.
The author writes that "America's fundamental promise is that
individuals ought to control their destiny through hard work and
talent, not arbitrary accidents of birth."
Don't great athletes get where they are through "hard work and
talent" (in other words--merit)?
It's one thing to say that nonmerit-based factors shouldn't count
in admissions. It's another thing entirely to say that nothing but
grades and SAT scores can determine a person's merit.
I have no problem with a 100% privately funded college giving special privilege in admissions to children of alumni. That said, the only college to fit that description is Bob Jones University. Therefore, they are arbitrary and I'm against them. However, I have no problem with colleges, even publicly funded ones, giving admission preference to the children of donors, provided the value of the donation exceeds the net costs incurred by the college in educating their kids.
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