Take the lobbying reform the House of Representatives passed before the August recess, which later failed in the Senate. Its strictures didn’t affect lobbyists who worked for the public sector (which would include some union lobbyists) or for universities and cities. It would have allowed the University of California system to nudge congressmen with gifts but barred the private University of Southern California from doing so.
This despite the fact that the crooked ex-lobbyist Jack Abramoff, the man whose crimes inspired the latest anti-lobbying crusade, took advantage of the relatively weak rules governing public-sector lobbying in his campaign to bribe Republican and Democratic power brokers. Abramoff mostly gave to Republicans, but public-sector lobbying usually comes from people favorable to Democrats.
In the system we have, there’s nothing illegal about that. The City of San Diego has as much of a right to sweet-talk or browbeat senators as Exxon or Home Depot does. Any special interest, in the public sector or the private, understands the direct relationship between government spending, which Democrats tend to favor, and the lobbying game, which they pretend to hate. Lobbyists have grown accustomed to anti–K Street campaign rhetoric, and they’ve grown accustomed to the weak, contradictory reforms that occasionally arrive afterward.
If history is any guide, Edwards’ rhetoric translated into practice would look like the lopsided changes the Democrats already have begun to pursue. If that’s the case, the “change” candidate is promising the same kind of slanted lobbying reform—tough on interests Democrats don’t like, easy on those they do—that Clinton supports. It’s the same result with added hypocrisy.
“A lot of this rhetoric about lobbying groups,” says Jan Beron,
“is just an attack against people who take contrary views.” It’s an
attack on First Amendment rights couched as a defense of Americans’
freedoms. Unless Democrats pledge never again to expand a
government program or take advice from their good friends at the
National Education Association, their attacks on lobbyists will
just be an attempt to muzzle the other side.
David Weigel is an
associate editor of Reason.
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