Tim Cavanaugh | June 1, 2006
You’ll never find
anyone as impartial, disinterested, judicious, and
concerned only with the well-being of the American people as a
party hack laying into a politician from a rival party. Thus the
case for the impeachment of President George W. Bush has grown
organically from the very fabric of the universe. It’s not that
Democrats are motivated by frustration with Bush and his party’s
electoral winning streak—hell, the Dems profoundly regret that
they’ve been brought to this! It’s that Bush’s lies and violations
of the Constitution are so egregious, so without precedent in
American history, that we must activate the gravest of
constitutional mechanisms.
To wit: In his 286-page
report The Constitution in Crisis: The Downing Street Minutes
and Deception, Manipulation, Torture, Retribution, and Coverups in
the Iraq War, House Judiciary Committee member John Conyers
(D-Mich.) isn’t grinding any party ax. Rather, the problem is that
“we have found that there is substantial evidence the President,
the Vice President, and other high-ranking members of the Bush
Administration misled Congress and the American people regarding
the decision to go to war with Iraq.”
As a result, “the House
should create a bipartisan select committee vested with subpoena
authority to investigate the Administration’s abuses” in order “to
protect our constitutional form of
government.”
Interestingly, Conyers,
who entered the House of Representatives in 1964, never managed to
find any impeachable behavior in the conduct of Lyndon Baines
Johnson, who lied America into a far more destructive war and
presided over the colossal civil rights violations of J. Edgar
Hoover’s FBI. But it’s not just
elected Democrats who view impeachment as something that should
happen only to the GOP.
Former Harper’s
Editor Lewis Lapham, whose most recent cancer on the national
attention span was a 5,000-word “Case for Impeachment” in the
magazine’s March issue, told a Harper’s roundtable: “The
media tends to believe that the branches of government are the
Democratic and Republican parties.…I think we also have to make it
clear—if this turns into a partisan thing, Democrat/Republican, I
would think it would do more harm than good.” (To his credit,
Lapham adds, “I also think we should get over the idea that
impeachment is a big deal. I mean, we should use it more often.”
That’s a sentiment any good American would endorse.)
Thus, Lapham notes, we
must distinguish between the Bush administration’s “criminal
DNA” and the far more famous
DNA of “Bill Clinton, whose penis
was known to be aimless and shown to be harmless.” Not so harmless,
of course, to those civilians in Yugoslavia, Sudan, and Afghanistan
who were sacrificed when Clinton turned American forign policy into
an extension of his own impeachment scandal.
Elizabeth Holtzman, the
former member of Congress and New York City comptroller, made the
same gestures toward nonpartisan concern for the Constitution in
her 4,000-word impeachment brief in The Nation in January,
but there’s no way to know how she would have voted when her own
party was on the hot seat.
Alas, Holtzman’s
political career ended in 1993, with a tearful denunciation of
reporters who ignored her “long record of standing and fighting for
people,” and focused instead on a $450,000 loan she accepted from
Fleet Bank in exchange for a lucrative city contract. Undoubtedly
she would have vigorously contested Bill Clinton’s promiscuous
bombing raids, if only the media had given her the
chance.
It’s true: Bush is impeachable on the bare facts of the case, without any recourse to party differences. Back on Planet Earth, he’s invulnerable as long as his party continues to control both houses of the Congress. If these Democrats and their supporters are serious about bringing him to account, they’ll need to learn how to win elections. To make that happen, they might start by impeaching a few of their own leaders—not for high crimes and misdemeanors, just for incompetence.
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