Republics of Fearlessness?

On conjugating liberalism in Syria and Lebanon. An interview with journalist and author Samir Kassir

Michael Young | June 8, 2004

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Kassir: I wouldn't quite call the two critical articles to which you're referring, among numerous others that were far more positive, a "debate." One of the articles said I had ignored the weight of [the predominantly Christian] Mount Lebanon district in shaping Beirut. This was criticism from the political right. The other, which represented criticism from the political left, accused me of focusing on the impact of the wealthy and middle classes in the development of Beirut. Yet the fact is that Beirut was a merchant city, a port, and, therefore, wealthy. It was commerce that made it what it is, and that allowed for its emerging vitality, and, ultimately, liberalism. I couldn't ignore this, even if I went to great efforts in my account to gauge the impact of modernization and Westernization on all social strata, while also highlighting Beirut's role as a cultural hub.

reason: Can we consider Beirut, through its openness, the future of the Arab city, or its contradiction?

Kassir: I hope it is the future. When you hear the crown prince of Dubai, Mohammad bin Rashed, who was central to the remarkable expansion of the Gulf emirate, it is clear that his model was initially Beirut. Now, Amman is also taking on characteristics of Beirut. Yet, Beirut also has something unique—human diversity and, thanks to its history, linguistic and political diversity. Let's hope it will keep it. If Beirut loses this diversity—and the city did not do so, despite its 15-year conflict between 1975 and 1990—it means it would have been seen as the contradiction of the Arab city, which would represent a triumph for regression

reason: If you had to define a running theme through your books, to which I must add a study in French on the first years of the Lebanese civil war, which was your doctoral thesis, as well a two-volume account of France and the Arab-Israeli conflict (authored with Farouk Mardam-Bey), what would it be?

Kassir: I find it difficult to add my two recent books to my personal bibliography. I have yet to come to terms with my duality as a scholar and a journalist, and when it comes to my books, I prefer the scholarly ones. But to answer your question, I can say I am obsessed with recent Arab history—even in my newspaper articles—and I essentially try to find out what went wrong, to quote Middle East scholar Bernard Lewis. But unlike Lewis, and though I never refrain from self-criticism, I think we Arabs are not the only ones responsible for what has happened to us. I am making this argument in an essay that will soon be published in Paris, titled "Considerations on the Arab Misfortune." The West not only brought us modernization, it also brought colonial domination as well as divisions, and it continues to do so. Just look at US support for Israel. The West should be aware that when we speak of our failures, we also mean our inability to confront its destructive hegemony.

reason: Is a liberal Middle East possible, and, if it is, does Lebanon have a role in bringing this about?

Kassir: If a liberal Middle East were not possible, things would be unbearable for secular people like us. I am convinced it is possible, but not under just any circumstances. For it to be possible, the liberal West must also be liberal in the Middle East: It must abandon its support for dictatorships, even those considered as moderates and allies. Look what happened with Libya: Once Muammar al-Qaddafi renounced his nuclear ambitions, Bush and Blair acclaimed him. What a message when you are calling for democracy in the Middle East! On the other hand, Yasser Arafat is denounced by American officials on a daily basis, despite being elected and considered by Palestinians as a leader and a national symbol. Most importantly, the West must accept that the strategic importance of the Middle East must not justify denying its peoples the right to self-determination, and that means, particularly, the Palestinians.

Under such conditions, Lebanon can once again prosper. But even now, Lebanon would show, if it were provided with the means, that political liberalism can be conjugated in Arabic, and that is the country's paramount contribution.