Republics of Fearlessness?

On conjugating liberalism in Syria and Lebanon. An interview with journalist and author Samir Kassir

Michael Young | June 8, 2004

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reason: Has the taboo of the omnipotence of the Syrian intelligence services been broken both in Lebanon and Syria? If so, where can this lead?

Kassir: In Lebanon, the taboo has been broken for years, at least from the point of view of those who want to see it broken. As I explained, that was one of the aims behind the publishing of my two recent books. Yet, among the Lebanese political elite and in the public administration the taboo is still there. In Syria, it is even more difficult to overcome, which is why we should appreciate the courage of the increasingly audacious Syrian dissidents, as was shown in two failed attempts to protest publicly in Damascus—on March 8 and two weeks ago on the occasion of the Day of the Syrian Political Prisoner. Syria has been ruled by fear. If the fear disappears, the regime will find it very difficult to hold on to power. The big question now is whether it will be able to revive this management by fear.

reason: Would a democratic Iraq precipitate grand transformation in Syria?

Kassir: Undoubtedly. Despite the quagmire in Iraq, things have already changed in Syria, although the Syrian regime has exploited the Iraqi mess to postpone domestic reform. This provides us with yet another reason to criticize American policy in Iraq. What a waste of opportunities!

reason: The title of your book on political behavior during the post-1998 period in the Lebanese state [after Emile Lahoud became president], A Soldier Against Whom?, was taken from the title of a controversial column of yours. It comes from an old student protest chant asking the military, effectively, whom were they beating upon, before answering: "Against the peasants, Oh soldier." This led the Lebanese General Security service to harass you for weeks. What happened?

Kassir: My passport was confiscated under false pretexts and intelligence agents tailed me for 40 days, around the clock. Sometimes, two or even three cars followed me, I don't know for what purpose. I have reason to think that they initially intended to harm me. However, I spotted my "followers" early on—before the passport confiscation—and I immediately contacted officials not directly linked with the military [which controls the security services] so they would intervene. After that, the agents' purpose was maybe to isolate me. It is disturbing to have people watching you wherever you go—at caf�s, restaurants, at your friends' or family's homes. But the solidarity that people displayed allowed me to stand up against this. I must add that I had the privilege of receiving the public support of Syrian dissidents in Damascus who signed a manifesto. It was the first time that such support went in this direction—from Damascus to Beirut, rather than the contrary. Finally, the mess was too big and the security services stepped back. Yet, I am still blacklisted on local television.

reason: The subtitle of your book is "The Disappeared Republic." If that's true, then of what value is Lebanon to anybody, including Syria? Why should anyone care for a republic that has, in some respects, erased itself?

Kassir: I didn't mean that Lebanon had disappeared as a state, but that the values and the procedures of the republic have been thrown off track. That does not diminish Lebanon's worth. After all, nobody forgot Poland or Czechoslovakia, despite the suppression of the opposition there. Not all values have disappeared in Lebanon. As I said, civil society has proved its resilience and intellectuals are still writing.

reason: Does Lebanon have a message to offer, in that case?

Kassir: I don't know, but I am sure the Lebanese deserve a better future. At least, they deserve to find their own way, in accordance with a rich history that cannot be reduced merely to violence. Yes, we were a laboratory for violence, but we were also, before that, a laboratory for modernity, and in some ways we still are. Lebanon has had a long-standing tradition of constitutional politics. It would not be such a bad thing for the Middle East if we could resume this history.

reason: Is there a risk that the security-oriented system you so deride will continue in Lebanon? How does the president, Emile Lahoud, fit into this?

Kassir: The security-oriented system preceded Lahoud. But it was under his mandate that Lebanon became a security-obsessed state. It is under his mandate that Lebanon has made great strides toward becoming a Ba'athist kind of regime, where security officials see citizens as enemies, or at best children who must be controlled. It is under this president's mandate that freedom of expression has been the most restrictive, although we have managed to counter this. I may be biased, but I don't see any gains under Lahoud. Even the liberation of the south from Israeli occupation was a result of the resistance, not Lahoud's actions. And even there, Lahoud and his associates, including Hizbollah, managed to squander this great success. So I don't see any reason why he should stay in power as he has been trying to do. On the contrary, the struggle against the renewal of his mandate may be the beginning of an awakening.

reason: You say freedom of expression has been restricted, yet that the Lebanese have managed to resist this. What are the forces at play here?

Kassir: Thanks to a handful of journalists, we have indeed reconquered our freedom of opinion and expression—if not yet fully our freedom of information. It is a paradox: One can write that mafias are ruling and ruining the country, and link that to Syrian hegemony; yet not a single newspaper or TV channel will try to investigate the mafias' behavior and the scandals arising from their control. You can criticize Bashar Assad by name, as you can Syria's proconsul in Lebanon, but no newspaper will investigate how a junior intelligence officer intervenes in the appointment of a bureaucrat or the winning of a contract.

reason: On a related topic, Lebanese liberalism is, in many respects, both a function and a reflection of its capital city. You've just completed a book, in French, on the history of Beirut. It provoked some debate. What was that about?