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Mock the Vote

What's the case for recalling Gray Davis?

(Page 2 of 2)

This, however, presupposes a successful recall, and Gray Davis' ability to thrive in days of acid and vitriol should never be underestimated. Already, California Democrats are showing confidence in him, with three prominent candidates refusing spots on the ballot should the recall work. (The lone likely holdout is lieutenant governor Cruz Bustamante, best known for uttering the n-word in a speech to the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists a few years back.)

Right now, Davis appears to have accepted that the recall will come to a vote, and is shifting to an effort to delay the ballot until next spring, when Democratic turnout will be higher because of the Democratic primary. It's not beyond possibility that the singularly uncharismatic Davis could emerge from the recall campaign a Democratic hero—the moderate, tough-on-crime governor who survived a Borking and an attempted overthrow by the vast rightwing conspiracy. Comical or horrific as the idea of a Davis presidency seems, it would at least give us the chance to see whether impeachment—another extreme measure made acceptable by use—is becoming as popular as it seems.

Nor do even the recall's supporters show much faith in the people who would take Davis' crown. "I haven't seen the great Schwarzenegger plan to solve the state's budget crisis," says Ted Costa. In this sentiment, he is echoed by the Voter Project's Philip Muller, who notes, "Darrell Issa is not telling us which programs he wants to cut, or God forbid which taxes he wants to raise, which universities, hospitals, or schools he wants to close."

But will that really matter? Populist measures like the recall haven't just chipped away at the separation of governmental powers; they've made such specific campaign issues increasingly irrelevant. Whoever emerges from the recall war as governor of California may find that there is less and less to govern.

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