Letters

From the November 1997 issue

(Page 4 of 4)

Whenever we, as a nation, trade with other countries, we must also consider the motives of our trading partners. If those motives are mutually agreeable and beneficial, there should be no objection to trading with such nations. If, on the other hand, the motives of trading partners are in conflict with our basic standards of human decency and national security, then we not only have a right, but a moral obligation, to not allow our money to be used for our own demise.

Attempting to get the Chinese leadership to treat its own people better is only part of the equation on this issue; the other part is to avoid financing and supporting a dangerous totalitarian regime. Rejecting MFN status for Red China would not in itself make the Chinese leadership behave as we would like. Since every evil act and atrocity by the Chinese leadership has been rewarded very generously time and again by the United States and by Britain (goodbye, free Hong Kong!), why should we expect more-acceptable behavior? Rejecting MFN status, however, would send a very strong message that we will not support, financially or morally, a totalitarian regime that does not even understand the concept of basic human rights and is extremely dangerous to the United States and other countries.

Not only should MFN status be rejected, but the United States should impose an absolute embargo on all trade with Red China. Henderson's blind worship at the altar of free trade without considering the implications to our national security and self-preservation is blindness indeed.

Steven A. Panteli

Rick Henderson fails to consider our most important reason for denying China most-favored-nation trading status: China is no friend to America. While human rights and our ability to affect changes in that arena in China are important, national security is the most important issue for us to consider. Henderson's article completely ignores this issue.

There seems to be little question that significant portions of the profits from China's MFN status will be used in a military buildup, much to our detriment. In addition, the kind of partnerships which trade requires set up numerous areas of vulnerability for the surreptitious and covert transfer of technology and equipment that China can use in building its military and technological capabilities.

No matter what our reasons for extending MFN to China, China wants MFN for its own reasons. It wants access to our capital and our technology. And it seems China is even willing to involve itself in our internal political processes at the highest levels to insure its needs are met. Under these circumtances, my support for the libertarian principle of free trade is insufficient to outweigh my concerns.

Jere Bashinski
Rick Henderson replies: Steven Panteli and Jere Bashinski have bought into a fallacy that permeates many trade discussions: that the "United States" trades with "Red China." Most international trade--even arms sales--takes place not between governments but instead between individuals and businesses that happen to be located within different nations.

Because China's labor camps and its army (both government institutions) sell goods internationally, an interesting response might be for the U.S. government to target those items for high tariffs or even outright bans. And my article mentioned that some in Congress had (unsuccessfully) tried to enact those policies.

The only options under serious consideration at the time my article went to press were those that would completely or conditionally end China's MFN status for all products and from all producers. The people who would be hurt by these policies would not only be the embryonic entrepreneurs in South China and Hong Kong (who would constitute any middle class that might emerge from that huge marketplace), but American producers and consumers. Denying MFN status to China would not bring about the reforms Mr. Panteli and Mr. Bashinski seek; it would also needlessly restrict the rights of individual Americans to buy and sell from whom they choose.

Twin Paradox

In "Fatalist Attraction" (July), Virginia Postrel wrote, "[t]he chances are good that if...a clone were created, the parents involved would be ordinary human beings with reasons both quite rare and extremely sympathetic." Such a case recently took place in California.

Seven years ago, Alissa Ayala was diagnosed with terminal leukemia. Her only hope was a bone marrow transplant from a compatible donor. None were found. In desperation, her father had his vasectomy reversed and her parents conceived another child, hoping the newborn would have compatible marrow. The probability that this would occur was only 25 percent, but that was better than zero, which is what Alissa's chances otherwise were.

The newborn, Marissa, did indeed have compatible marrow. The transplant was successful. And since it is now seven years since Alissa last had leukemia, she can be considered cured. The story had a happy ending.

If the Ayalas were willing to conceive a new infant with only a 25 percent probability of a successful transplant, how much more eager would they have been to conceive Alissa's clone, where the probability of success would have been 100 percent? Even the likes of Patrick Buchanan would have had trouble criticizing the Ayalas for doing so. What would have been so wrong? Alissa would have had a new twin sister--just one 17 years younger than she!

Michael Nollet
Wilmington, DE